vah
ved in their own subculture's conception of it as harmless and beneficial. Moreover,
the relatively few (but absolutely, many) users who are arrested gives them cause for the
accusation of distributive injustice. Rehabilitation is predicated on the notion that the
transgressor thinks of his transgression as wrong. Users often give up use of the weed
after arrest but for practical reasons, not out of a desire to rid themselves of a nasty habit.
To demonstrate these assertions, a study of arrestees would have to be made. In the
absence of such a study, two users who were arrested or who are serving prison sentences
for violation of the marijuana statutes voice reactions to their legal experiences:
It's rather discouraging to spend time in jail for the "crime" of possessing a
weed. I haven't hurt anybody, I haven't stolen from anybody, I haven't raped
anybody's daughter. Why am I in jail? I don't feel like a criminal.
I committed a charitable act.... I agreed to turn this poor cat onto some
(20 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
grass at his request. He promptly turned me in.
This silly grass law is only one small reflection of the mentality that rules
America and dictates what we can read, what we can think and what
position we must use when we make love.
My love to all the gentle people. Our day is coming.38]
Having been convicted of selling five dollars' worth of seeds and stems to
an informer, I am currently serving a twenty-to-thirty year sentence....
... my bail was set at $4s,ooo—an impossible sum for me to raise. So I sat
in jail for four months before being tried. There were twenty-five other
marijuana arrests in the]... County in the past two years, but I am the only
one who has been sent to the penitentiary. Why this special treatment for
me?39]
Law enforcement officers, however, often feel rehabilitation to be a worthy goal. Often
a judge's sentence will hinge on his feeling that a jail sentence actually serves a
rehabilitation function. We are reminded of Lindesmith's description of one such case:
... an occasional judge, ignorant of the nature of marihuana, sends a
marihuana user to prison to cure him of his nonexistent addiction. The
writer was once in court when a middle-aged Negro defendant appeared
before the judge charged with having used and had in his possession one
marihuana cigarette during the noon hour at the place where he had worked
for a number of years. This man had no previous record and this fact was
stated before the court. Nevertheless, a two-year sentence was imposed to
"dry up his habit."40]
What, in fact, are the effects of arrests, convictions, and jail sentences on users? Are
they as likely to use again as they would if they were never arrested? This is, obviously,
impossible to answer. Nor can we compare their later arrest figures with the arrest figures
of a comparable group which was not arrested when they were. (We don't know the base
f
Northern Lights
“pure Indica 88/89/90
An absolute must for
marijuana bongs bongs the indoor grower! For the last couple of years Buy Cannabis the Northern Lights® has dominated the
various Harvest Festivals. Through selective breeding we have succeeded in producing one of the most powerful
plants in the world. On Acheter Du Cannabis top of that, we have developed a strain highly adapted for indoor growing: compact,
powerful with a good yield and exceptional resin production.
The most lucrative plant for the indoor grower.
Flowering: 45-50 days.
Height: 100-125 cm.
Yield: up to 125 gr.” – Sensi Seed Bank catalog
among professional criminals for profit. How we
characterize marijuana selling depends on what level the transaction takes place. This
might lend sustenance to the ideologically involved contestants, since they may, without
distortion, portray dealing in a fashion which pleases their biases.
Just how involved the large-scale dealer is in marijuana selling is obliquely determined
by the size of the seizures of imports from Mexico. In terms of the number of these
smuggling attempts, clearly the overwhelming majority are of relatively insignificant
quantities—under a pound.
The largest recent border seizure was about a ton of marijuana.
An operation of this size
bongs uk
obviously requires organization: a micro-bus, middlemen in
Mexico, drivers and high-level dealers for distribution. This is not Cosa Nostra
organization, but it is organization. If we mean by "organized crime," a syndicate
involving
Cannabis Bongs thousands of tightly knit, lifelong committed gangsters whose entire livelihood
derives from illegal activities, then marijuana probably is
bongs uk not sold, never has been sold,
and never will be sold by professional criminals. If, however, we mean an independent
operation involving a score of individuals whose activities are coordinated, and who will
earn their living for a few years from marijuana sales, then it is true that marijuana is often
sold by professional criminals. Just how much of the total of marijuana consumed derives
from this kind of source is impossible to determine.
This is why a consideration of the level at which a deal takes place is important.
The
importer is often a criminal: his livelihood is importing grass; he is a capitalist who sells
an illegal product with no particular commitment to marijuana as an agent of mindtransformation,
an element in a subculture, or a catalyst in social change. He probably
does not smoke marijuana.
The unsystematic business practices of "head" dealers created
a vacuum into which he stepped. The multi-kilogram top-level dealers to whom he sells
are also primarily profit seekers. The crucial difference between the importer and his dealcustomers
is that the dealer sells to consumers as well as to other dealers and is very likely
(14 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 10
to be a consumer himself. Next to the consumer, friendship transactions are common.
Thus, to say
Recolte Cannabis that marijuana is a business is both true and false. At some levels it is; at
some, it is not. To say that it is big business is misleading. A monthly take of a quarter of
a million dollars, split twenty ways, might represent the very top of the profession. Lower
down, even dedicated hustling brings in what an unskilled factory worker might make.
Below that, the profit motive breaks down entirely.
A commonly encountered argument against the use of marijuana employs the
differential association theory: by using the drug, one is thrown into association with the
criminal underworld and, therefore, at
I hung the pulled plant to dry for about a week and started smoking it (had nothing else). It was some of the
best tasting bud I've smoked in my 25 years of smoking herb. It is very fruity and tropical. Even the leaves
had the sweet fruity flavour. The buzz was really nice, fairly strong, but only lasted for about an hour (5
marijuana bongs
weeks
and no cure). Really looking forward to trying the finished (and cured) product.
I would
Cultivation En Placard De Cannabis highly recommend this
strain for ScrOG although if
Tommy Chong Bongs I were to order these seeds again I would not get them from Richies.
”- Scotty
“Completely covered
marijuana bongs in brick-red hairs, this dark green bud has a nice thick layer of tannish resin crystals. It
smells candy-sweet and lightly fruity. It looks and smells like a Sativa, but glistens like its Northern Lights
forefathers. When smoked, the bud tastes fruity and sweet too, but smells very brown, like a Colombian.
***1/2” – Homepage Amsterdam
"Regarding Early Girl, Ed Rosenthal says he knows (it was) developed by Cultivators' Choice in California in the
70's.”
“Early Girl - This is a mostly Indica early variety developed in Northern California. The plants are compact and
very sturdy, and will tend to grow to one main stem. Very potent, medium yield, with a hashy taste and aroma.
Inbred for 4 generations and carefully selected for quality and earliness. Early Girl is an outstanding choice for
growers seeking an early Indica-type. Acta, 56, 519 (1973)
p your bag down against a bush and cover it up. Walk
towards your car and look around again. Drive your car for about five
minutes and look around to see if you can see anything. If you see
anything suspicious, or anything following you leave the bag and go to
118
town (not home - leave that until the situation is under control again).
If things look okay, drive back to where you left your bag. Pick up your
bag and put it in the boot or trunk of the car. Drive home carefully.
Some people can get away with guerrilla farming lots of pot.
This is commercial growing on a risky scale but can still be found in
various parts of the world where cannabis is still banned. The growers
usually live deep in the forest miles away from the nearest town. They
may spend up to 7 months out there on their own, cultivating the crop.
Recent grow busts by the police have identified some several tons of
bud being grown by as little as 3 people living squat in some unknown
region of British Colombia.
There is not much more to outdoor growing than this. Most of
the elements that you need to complete your outdoor grow are in the
indoor growing chapter of this book. Read through this and it should
give you ideas about how to treat your outdoor grow patch.
119
Chapter 5
THE INDOOR GROWING OF CANNABIS
There are many ways to grow your cannabis plant indoors.
The two core methods of indoor growing are soil growing and
hydroponics. There is a separate chapter for hydroponics, and so this
chapter will deal with soil growing.
Figure 5.1 - Indoor Grow room. Picture by RealHigh.
There are many ways to grow an indoor soil garden. The most
common indoor set-ups are:
120
1. Bench growing,
2. SOG growing,
3. ScrOG growing
4. Cabinet growing.
We will discuss these methods in a moment but let us first see what
they all have in common.
LIGHTS
Lights come in all shapes, sizes, wattage and type. A full
indoor grow lighting kit should contain the following items. Bulb,
reflector, ballast, timer and electrical inputs/outputs.
Figure 5.2 - Regular HID Bulbs.
121
Figure 5.3 - A reflector with bulb and ballast.
Figure 5.4 - This is a picture of a timer.
Most lighting kits are open, meaning that no hood or glass
will cover the bulb. It hangs directly under the reflector. The bulb is
fixed into a socket that is attached to the inside of the reflector. That
socket is connected to the ballast. The ballast can be internal or
external. If external there will be a cord leading to the ballast from the
122
bulb's socket. The ballast plugs into a domestic light socket like the
one you have in your home. Some ballast types even have a built-in
timer.
When buying a lighting system it is recommend that you buy
a complete system and an extra bulb. Check to make sure that the
lighting system meets safety regulations and has some sort of
guarantee with it.
Figure 5.5 - This is an example of what an external ballast looks like.
You might be able to see t On condensation with olivetol Lander et al
e trees for the mere sake of it, nor should one use
them as lumber. These trees are generating substances that other beings use as their
nourishment.
If one urinates and defecates on the tree, the tree will then emit
something harmful to these beings. That is the reason they are very defensive.
In the background we see cities, towers, monuments, and parks associated with
the kapukiri. To the left we see huts where the great shamans of various tribes
arrive in spirit, to be trained regarding the kapukiri. There one learns that a young
man should not sleep in the bed of an old man. Native people, particularly the
elderly, don't like anyone to touch what belongs to them. All that belongs to the
shamans must be respected-the bed, the plates, etc. This is because a young man is
full of filth. When one becomes old, one learns to be cleaner.
The city in the centre symbolises the purity of a shaman when, already old, he
goes to another stage. It is the purity that the person acquires through his death,
when he leaves this life and is transported to another place.
This is when a person
has been ordained, when he has been requested. Not everyone goes there. I don't
reject the Christian belief according to which Christ said to his disciples: "Whither I
go, thou canst not follow me now; but thou shalt follow me afterwards" John
13:36]. But this does not hold true for everyone. Christ said: "In my Father's house
are many mansions: if it were not so, I would have told you. I go to prepare a place
for you" [John 14:2]. But this doesn't mean that this is for all humanity, but for
certain chosen persons.
Christians were mistaken when they thought that everyone
shall go to heaven.
VISION 31
CUNCATUYA
This vision shows us how a woman, suspecting nothing, contracts the cungatuya
disease from the water she drinks. There are two ways of getting the disease. One
gets it after a sorcerer sends his mashu or bat to drop its yachay or phlegm in order
to bring the disease. The victim then becomes very weak and dies, as he cannot
ingest any nutrition. Secondly, one can get it when the same bat or rnashu drops its
saliva into the water one is about to drink. This happens if one leaves one's jar
without a cap.
Here we see how a woman is drinking contaminated water, causing this awful
cungatuya disease sent by a sorcerer through his mashu, which dropped the phlegm
into the jar on the grill.
To the left, however; we see how a vegetalista is curing the
disease by sucking it with the mann of his throat. To prevent any intrusion upon the
circle where the healing is being performed, the doctors have raised strong tingunas
of surprising colours and posted animals of prey, such as the yachaygavilanes wise
sparrow hawk], the tahuicuros [Monasa nigrifons] and the supay-unchalas
unchala = Aramides cajanea], as well as the push co-yuyo plant and the thorns of
casha-huasca [thorny vine]. The master is also seen raising his magnetic powers in
the fe trees for the mere sake of it, nor should one use
them as lumber.
These trees are generating substances that other beings use as their
nourishment. If one urinates and defecates on the tree, the tree will then emit
something harmful to these beings.
That is the reason they are very defensive.
In the background we see cities, towers, monuments, and parks associated with
the kapukiri. To the left we see huts where the great shamans of various tribes
arrive in spirit, to be trained regarding the kapukiri. There one learns that a young
man should not sleep in the bed of an old man. Native people, particularly the
elderly, don't like anyone to touch what belongs to them. All that belongs to the
shamans must be respected-the bed, the plates, etc. This is because a young man is
full of filth. When one becomes old, one learns to be cleaner.
The city in the centre symbolises the purity of a shaman when, already old, he
goes to another stage. It is the purity that the person acquires through his death,
when he leaves this life and is transported to another place. This is when a person
has been ordained, when he has been requested. Not everyone goes there. I don't
reject the Christian belief according to which Christ said to his disciples: "Whither I
go, thou canst not follow me now; but thou shalt follow me afterwards" John
13:36]. But this does not hold true for everyone. Christ said: "In my Father's house
are many mansions: if it were not so, I would have told you. I go to prepare a place
for you" John 14:2]. But this doesn't mean that this is for all humanity, but for
certain chosen persons. Christians were mistaken when they thought that everyone
shall go to heaven.
VISION 31
CUNCATUYA
This vision shows us how a woman, suspecting nothing, contracts the cungatuya
disease from the water she drinks. There are two ways of getting the disease.
One
gets it after a sorcerer sends his mashu or bat to drop its yachay or phlegm in order
to bring the disease. The victim then becomes very weak and dies, as he cannot
ingest any nutrition. Secondly, one can get it when the same bat or rnashu drops its
saliva into the water one is about to drink. This happens if one leaves one's jar
without a cap.
Here we see how a woman is drinking contaminated water, causing this awful
cungatuya disease sent by a sorcerer through his mashu, which dropped the phlegm
into the jar on the grill. To the left, however; we see how a vegetalista is curing the
disease by sucking it with the mann of his throat. To prevent any intrusion upon the
circle where the healing is being performed, the doctors have raised strong tingunas
of surprising colours and posted animals of prey, such as the yachaygavilanes wise
sparrow hawk], the tahuicuros Monasa nigrifons] and the supay-unchalas
unchala = Aramides cajanea], as well as the push co-yuyo plant and the thorns of
casha-huasca thorny vine]. The master is also seen raising his magnetic powers in
the fe trees for the mere sake of it, nor should one use
them as lumber. These trees are generating substances that other beings use as their
nourishment. If one urinates and defecates on the tree, the tree will then emit
something harmful to these beings. That is the reason they are very defensive.
In the background we see cities, towers, monuments, and parks associated with
the kapukiri. To the left we see huts where the great shamans of various tribes
arrive in spirit, to be trained regarding the kapukiri. There one learns that a young
man should not sleep in the bed of an old man. Native people, particularly the
elderly,
Chrystal 100 don't like anyone to touch what belongs to them. All that belongs to the
shamans must be respected-the bed, the plates, etc. This is because a young man is
full of filth. When one becomes old, one learns to be cleaner.
The city in the centre symbolises the purity of a shaman when, already old, he
goes to another stage. It is the purity that the person acquires through his death,
when he leaves this life and is transported to another place. This is when a person
has been ordained, when he has been requested.
Not everyone goes there.
I don't
reject the Christian belief according to which Christ said to his disciples: "Whither I
go, thou canst not follow me now; but thou shalt follow me afterwards" [John
13:36. But this does not hold true for everyone. Christ said: "In my Father's house
are many mansions: if it were not so, I would have told you. I go to prepare a place
for you" John 14:2. But this doesn't mean that this is for all humanity, but for
certain chosen persons. Christians were mistaken when they thought that everyone
shall go to heaven.
VISION 31
CUNCATUYA
This vision shows us how a woman, suspecting nothing, contracts the cungatuya
disease from the water she drinks.
There are two ways of getting the disease. One
gets it after a sorcerer sends his mashu or bat to drop its yachay or phlegm in order
to bring the disease. The victim then becomes very weak and dies, as he cannot
ingest any nutrition. Secondly, one can get it when the same bat or rnashu drops its
saliva into the water one is about to drink. This happens if one leaves one's jar
without a cap.
Here we see how a woman is drinking contaminated water, causing this awful
cungatuya disease sent by a sorcerer through his mashu, which dropped the phlegm
into the jar on the grill.
To the left, however; we see how a vegetalista is curing the
disease by sucking it with the mann of his throat. To prevent any intrusion upon the
circle where the healing is being performed, the doctors have raised strong tingunas
of surprising colours and posted animals of prey, such as the yachaygavilanes [wise
sparrow hawk, the tahuicuros [Monasa nigrifons and the supay-unchalas
[unchala = Aramides cajanea, as well as the push co-yuyo plant and the thorns of
casha-huasca thorny vine. The master is also seen raising his magnetic powers in
the fe trees for the mere sake of it, nor should one use
them as lumber.
These trees are generating substances that other beings use as their
nourishment. If one urinates and defecates on the tree, the tree will then emit
something harmful to these beings. That is the reason they are very defensive.
In the background we see cities, towers, monuments, and parks associated with
the kapukiri. To the left we see huts where the great shamans of various tribes
arrive in spirit, to be trained regarding the kapukiri. There one learns that a young
man should not sleep in the bed of an old man. Native people, particularly the
elderly, don't like anyone to touch what belongs to them. All that belongs to the
shamans must
Cannabis Bongs be respected-the bed, the plates, etc. This is because a young man is
full of filth. When one becomes old, one learns to be cleaner.
The city in the centre symbolises the purity of a shaman when, already old, he
goes to another stage. It is the purity that the person acquires through his death,
when he leaves this life and is transported to another place. This is when a person
has been ordained, when he has been requested. Not everyone goes there. I don't
reject the Christian belief according to which Christ said to his disciples: "Whither I
go, thou canst not follow me now; but thou shalt follow me afterwards" John
13:36. But this does not hold true for everyone. Christ said: "In my Father's house
are many mansions: if it were not so, I would have told you. I go to prepare a place
for you" John 14:2. But this doesn't mean that this is for all humanity, but for
certain chosen persons. Christians were mistaken when they thought that everyone
shall go to heaven.
VISION 31
CUNCATUYA
This vision shows us how a woman, suspecting nothing, contracts the cungatuya
disease from the water she drinks.
There are two ways of getting the disease. One
gets it after a sorcerer sends his mashu or bat to drop its yachay or phlegm in order
to bring the disease.
The victim then becomes very weak and dies, as he cannot
ingest any nutrition.
Secondly, one can get it when the same bat or rnashu drops its
saliva into the water one is about to drink.
This happens if one leaves one's jar
without a cap.
Here we see how a woman is drinking contaminated water, causing this awful
cungatuya disease sent by a sorcerer through his mashu, which dropped the phlegm
into the jar on the grill. To the left, however; we see how a vegetalista is curing the
disease by sucking it with the mann of his throat. To prevent any intrusion upon the
circle where the healing is being performed, the doctors have raised strong tingunas
of surprising colours and posted animals of prey, such as the yachaygavilanes wise
sparrow hawk, the tahuicuros Monasa nigrifons and the supay-unchalas
unchala = Aramides cajanea, as well as the push co-yuyo plant and the thorns of
casha-huasca thorny vine. The master is also seen raising his magnetic powers in
the f
I grew this last year outdoors. about 5' tall at harvest, lots of short side branches
afghan-maroc* with plenty of buds. yield
was about 4 oz.
how to grow canibus of average quality weed. excellent hashy taste which peaked at about 1 month
how to grow canibus
of curing and
then started to decline. high was average and didn't last very long. maybe due
Northern Bright to accidental pollination.
susceptible to bud mold
Marijuana Seed in high humidity.
” dr.atomic
Glass Pipes And Bongs
rompe mortajas Cannabis Leaf Goodman, and Bowls And Bongs H
a is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility. Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced. (Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications.
By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory. For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state. The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
17] As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs. Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18] as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world.
However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but it produces a
"psychological dependence."19]
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device. It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy. The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; its use is baldly political. Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influea is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility. Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced. (Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications. By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory. For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.
)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state.
The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
17] As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs. Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18] as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world. However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but it produces a
"psychological dependence."19]
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device. It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy. The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; its use is baldly political.
Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influea is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility. Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced. (Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications. By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory. For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that Cannabis Oil the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state. The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
17 As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs. Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18 as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world. However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but it produces a
"psychological dependence."19
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device. It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy. The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; its use is baldly political. Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influea is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility. Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced. (Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications. By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory. For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state.
The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
17 As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs. Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18 as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world. However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but it produces a
"psychological dependence."19
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device. It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy.
The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; its use is baldly political. Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influe
Seeds Cannabis Seeds Anker and A
6-eannabidiols
with
Hemp
magus genetics Hemp a 3,4-cis junction are "unnatural" and were
Bongs And Pipe synthesized (Chart 2
"I believe Apollo 13 is P88 male X Genius (Princess' more indica type sister) but still a JH F2 from the same set
of seeds found at the 'Cafe in Adam. The new A11 is P94 or (C99 the more popular name) X Genius."
-Webfish will be
discussed
“I grew Sensi Seeds NL#5 and it was one of the best plants I had ever seen. VERY distinctive aroma and taste,
I agree with Skunkman, its like a psychedelic couchlock, the buzz goes for loooong. Plus its one of the best
indoor plants I ever saw, very short and Recolte Cannabis compact, mega-phat top-cola, pretty fast (8 weeks), wont grow much
longer after inducing bloom, excellent flower/leaf ratio. I had good 400 gr./s.m. which I consider nice. Only
drawback I noticed was you better watch the air humidity, they have a tendency to catch bud rot, and the colas
are just too fat and sticky so the air
marijuana bongs won’t go into. But when you keep moisture down to max. 50% rh. you
should do well. To my experience they are true-breeding, but on the other hand I heard that too much
inbreeding out of a small number of species might cause some problems and show up some indica aspects
you may not want to have. I heard of NL#5 F2 that smelled and tasted like shit and had a very dull buzz.
” -
huzzit
"(For multiple sclerosis) my friend is currently using a pure indica (NL#5) with good results..." - pot newz“I grew Sensi Seeds NL5 and it was one of the best plants I had ever seen. VERY distinctive aroma and taste,
I agree with
marijuana bongs Skunkman, its like a psychedelic couchlock, the buzz goes for loooong.
Plus its one of the best
indoor plants I ever saw, very short and compact, mega-phat top-cola, pretty fast (8 weeks), wont grow much
longer after inducing bloom, excellent flower/leaf ratio. I
marijuana bongs
had good 400 gr./s.m. which I consider nice. Only
drawback I noticed was you better watch the air humidity, they have a tendency to catch bud rot, and the colas
are just too fat and sticky so the air won’t go into. But when you keep moisture down to max. 50% rh. you
should do well. To my experience they
Archiv Cannabis are true-breeding, but on the other hand
marijuana bongs I heard that too much
inbreeding out of a small number of species might cause some problems and show up some indica aspects
you may not want to have. I heard of NL5 F2 that smelled and tasted like shit and had a very dull buzz.” -
huzzit
"(For multiple sclerosis) my friend is currently using a pure indica (NL5) with good results..." - pot newz
"AFOAF grew some (Apollo) recently and got an indica phenotype that finished around 50 days, and a Durban
phenotype that took 60 days.
The indica phenotype is very resinous, clear high. Not racy nor paranoid. Dense buds, low odor.
The Durban phenotype has a stronger high than pure Durban, very clear, very racy, even paranoid. Buds very
fluffy, and they flop over from their own weight. Definitely a creeper phenotype in the gene pool (Durban).
The mom of A-11 is Genius, an F2 of Jack Herer crossed to an unknown male (likely a Durban imho). The dad
of A-11 is Cinderella.
Genius expresses the NL and Skunk side of the gene pool. Cindy expresses the Durban and haze side.
imho, for the A-11 to have 2 phenotypes in the F1, one of which is fluffy, sweet, and floppy like Durban, means
that the Durban gene is in both Apollo and Cindy." - Zorro e to say that the user who possesses only an ounce is
almost certainly not a large-scale dealer.
There is the argument that the penalties for marijuana possession (and use) should be
reduced, but not for selling. This distinction violates empirical reality; it implies the
existence of two relatively separated social and moral spheres that articulate on a
superficial basis—profit. If the seller is guilty, the user is, too, because the user is the
seller, and the seller the user. The technical exchange of contraband goods for money
takes place at every conceivable level and by nearly everyone above the minimally
involved. Labeling all selling heinous and use only moderately reprehensible, is to display
ignorance of how the market works. The present law, as well as the moderate reforms
currently being proposed, puts use in one legal, logical category, and all levels of selling
in another. We find use and most selling transactions to be logically and socially
indistinguishable while high level, high volume, and high profit selling transactions exist
in a disjunctive social and moral universe. If we believed in "natural" social categories, the
present confusion would represent as great an intellectual blunder as classifying whales as
fish and bats as a species of bird.
* These prices were current before the Mexican border blockade and increased
vigilance of 1969 and 1970. At the present time (February 1970), prices are about one and
a third to one and a half more than what they were a year earlier, even assuming the
availability of marijuana, which is often problematic. (back)
N O T E S
1. It is interesting that the most vigorous of the antimarijuana propagandists of the
1930s, Harry Anslinger, denied that marijuana was sold by professional gangsters in 1937:
"... the control and sale of marijuana has not yet passed into the hands of the big gangster
syndicates. The supply is so vast, and grows in so many places, that gangsters perhaps
have found it difficult to dominate the source.... gangdom has been hampered in its efforts
to corner the profits of what has now become an enormous business." See Harry J.
Anslinger, with Courtney Ryley Cooper, "Marijuana—Assassin of Youth," American
Magazine 124 (July 18, 1937): 152-153. (back)
2. The clearest recent statement of this position may be found in Will Oursler,
Marijuana: The Facts, the Truth (New York: Paul S. Eriksson, 1968), pp. 113-120.
Oursler seems to think these college student distributors are gangland fronts, and are
called "beavers" in the underworld. (back)
3. The New York Times, September 27, 1968. (back)
4. Ibid., October 6, 1968. (back)
5. The most informative of recent accounts must include: James T. Carey, The College
Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968), esp. chs. 2, 4, 5; Jerry Mandel,
"Myths and Realities of Marijuana Pushing," in J. L. Simmons, ed., Marijuana: Myths and
(16 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Ch healer with all his shitana [sorcery] powers.
There is his supay-masho diabolic bat], whose penetrating waves produce in the
victim a sleepy and forgetful weakness so that he can barely defend himself. The
healer must raise luminous waves with very powerful colours that dazzle the
enemy's eyes, and he calls on his powers of the earth, jungle, water, and sky as a
defence.
These are from right to left the powers used by the healer: the mantona mama a
large snake] of hypnotic magnetism; the supay-yangunturo [gigantic diabolic
armadillo], able to burrow into the earth at great speed in order to re-emerge where
the enemy is; the sinchi-ahui powerful eyes] tiger, with a strong magnetism in its
eyes to immobilise his rival; the chicua, a bird that can determine the intentions of
the enemy; the allpa-raya land ray] that stings and is also able to fly in pursuit of
the enemy; the ishkay-huahuasupay ishkay = two, huahua = child], with a tiger's
body and a creature's head, that confuses the enemy by making him hear weeping
from one place then another place until the enemy is surprised; the mocagua [pot]
that is actually a ship in which the healer flies around at great speeds; the black
tibes, able to dive, experts in water battles because they attack the eyes of the
sorcerer; the guacamayo-machaco, a snake with the breasts of a woman and human
arms, who throws poisoned daggers; and the sapo-machaco snake toad] who bites
like a snake, very quickly, and has a deadly poison.
At top right is the queen Nefina, who has the power to fly with her hair of fire. She
has a magnetising mirror with luminous waves that upon hitting the enemy negate
his magic powers. She is accompanied by aggressive flying snakes and horses
neighing battle. Here also are her ladies Lebina and Magg, armed with powerful
fans and long hair that emanates mystical powers, which they use like nets to catch
enemies.
The healer blows with the power given to him by the ayahuasca. From his
powerful tingunas come darts against the supay-masho. The sorcerer is accompa
nied by the huaira-umas [huaira = air, uma = head, the word meaning "forgetful
mind"], snakes that cast a spell that drives the victim crazy, making him forget how
to defend himself There are also the ayanahais eyes of the dead], fireflies that
move in flocks and which the sorcerer uses as cigarettes.
Further up are the huasi-ukullucos wasi = house, ukulluku = lizard], who hide in
the bathroom and very quickly get into a person's anus when he defecates, bringing
about his death.
In the middle we see the puka-cunga-shitanero [sorcerer bird with a red neck]
who can sting sharply the top of the healer's head to extract the powers he posesses.
By its side are the aya-pelejos sloth of the dead] who turn into immense giants
who wound with their sharp claws and bite like snakes. Then there are the huairahuacas
bulls of the wind] who roar like thunder, confusing their victims, and the
chusco-rikhealer with all his shitana sorcery] powers.
There is his supay-masho diabolic bat], whose penetrating waves produce in the
victim a sleepy and forgetful weakness so that he can barely defend himself. The
healer must raise luminous waves with very powerful colours that dazzle the
enemy's eyes, and he calls on his powers of the earth, jungle, water, and sky as a
defence.
These are from right to left the powers used by the healer: the mantona mama a
large snake] of hypnotic magnetism; the supay-yangunturo gigantic diabolic
armadillo], able to burrow into the earth at great speed in order to re-emerge where
the enemy is; the sinchi-ahui powerful eyes] tiger, with a strong magnetism in its
eyes to immobilise his rival; the chicua, a bird that can determine the intentions of
the enemy; the allpa-raya land ray] that stings and is also able to fly in pursuit of
the enemy; the ishkay-huahuasupay ishkay = two, huahua = child], with a tiger's
body and a creature's head, that confuses the enemy by making him hear weeping
from one place then another place until the enemy is surprised; the mocagua pot]
that is actually a ship in which the healer flies around at great speeds; the black
tibes, able to dive, experts in water battles because they attack the eyes of the
sorcerer; the guacamayo-machaco, a snake with the breasts of a woman and human
arms, who throws poisoned daggers; and the sapo-machaco snake toad] who bites
like a snake, very quickly, and has a deadly poison.
At top right is the queen Nefina, who has the power to fly with her hair of fire. She
has a magnetising mirror with luminous waves that upon hitting the enemy negate
his magic powers. She is accompanied by aggressive flying snakes and horses
neighing battle. Here also are her ladies Lebina and Magg, armed with powerful
fans and long hair that emanates mystical powers, which they use like nets to catch
enemies.
The healer blows with the power given to him by the ayahuasca.
From his
powerful tingunas come darts against the supay-masho. The sorcerer is accompa
nied by the huaira-umas huaira = air, uma = head, the word meaning "forgetful
mind"], snakes that cast a spell that drives the victim crazy, making him forget how
to defend himself There are also the ayanahais eyes of the dead], fireflies that
move in flocks and which the sorcerer uses as cigarettes.
Further up are the huasi-ukullucos wasi = house, ukulluku = lizard], who hide in
the bathroom and very quickly get into a person's anus when he defecates, bringing
about his death.
In the middle we see the puka-cunga-shitanero sorcerer bird with a red
Cannabis Archiv neck]
who can sting sharply the top of the healer's head to extract the powers he posesses.
By its side are the aya-pelejos sloth of the dead] who turn into immense giants
who wound with their sharp claws and bite like snakes. Then there are the huairahuacas
bulls of the wind] who roar like thunder, confusing their victims, and the
chusco-rikhealer with all his shitana sorcery powers.
There is his supay-masho diabolic bat, whose penetrating waves produce in the
victim a sleepy and forgetful weakness so that he can barely defend himself. The
healer must raise luminous waves with very powerful colours that dazzle the
enemy's eyes, and he calls on his powers of the earth, jungle, water, and sky as a
defence.
These are from right to left the powers used by the healer: the mantona mama [a
large snake of hypnotic magnetism; the supay-yangunturo gigantic diabolic
armadillo, able to burrow into the earth at great speed in order to re-emerge where
the enemy is; the sinchi-ahui [powerful eyes tiger, with a strong magnetism in its
eyes to immobilise his rival; the chicua, a bird that can determine the intentions of
the enemy; the allpa-raya land ray that stings and is also able to fly in pursuit of
the enemy; the ishkay-huahuasupay [ishkay = two, huahua = child, with a tiger's
body and a creature's head, that confuses the enemy by making him hear weeping
from one place then another place until the enemy is surprised; the mocagua pot
that is actually a ship in which the healer flies around at great speeds; the black
tibes, able to dive, experts in water battles because they attack the eyes of the
sorcerer; the guacamayo-machaco, a snake with the breasts of a woman and human
arms, who throws poisoned daggers; and the sapo-machaco snake toad who bites
like a snake, very quickly, and has a deadly poison.
At top right is the queen Nefina, who has the power to fly with her hair of fire. She
has a magnetising mirror with luminous waves that upon hitting the enemy negate
his magic powers. She is accompanied by aggressive flying snakes and horses
neighing battle. Here also are her ladies Lebina and Magg, armed with powerful
fans and long hair that emanates mystical powers, which they use like nets to catch
enemies.
The healer blows with the power given to him by the ayahuasca. From his
powerful tingunas come darts against the supay-masho. The sorcerer is accompa
nied by the huaira-umas huaira = air, uma = head, the word meaning "forgetful
mind", snakes that cast a spell that drives the victim crazy, making him forget how
to defend himself There are also the ayanahais eyes of the dead, fireflies that
move in flocks and which the sorcerer uses as cigarettes.
Further up are the huasi-ukullucos wasi = house, ukulluku = lizard, who hide in
the bathroom and very quickly get into a person's anus when he defecates, bringing
about his death.
In the middle we see the puka-cunga-shitanero sorcerer bird with a red neck
who can sting sharply the top of the healer's head to extract the powers he posesses.
By its side are the aya-pelejos sloth of the dead who turn into immense giants
who wound with their sharp claws and bite like snakes. Then there are the huairahuacas
[bulls of the wind who roar like thunder, confusing their victims, and the
chusco-rikhealer with all his shitana sorcery powers.
There is his supay-masho diabolic bat, whose penetrating waves produce in the
victim a sleepy and forgetful weakness so that he can barely defend himself. The
healer must raise luminous waves with very powerful colours that dazzle the
enemy's eyes, and he calls on his powers of the earth, jungle, water, and sky as a
defence.
These are from right to left the powers used by the healer: the mantona mama a
large snake of hypnotic magnetism; the supay-yangunturo gigantic diabolic
armadillo, able to burrow into the earth at great speed in order to re-emerge where
the enemy is; the sinchi-ahui powerful eyes tiger, with a strong magnetism in its
eyes to immobilise his rival; the chicua, a bird that can determine the intentions of
the enemy; the allpa-raya land ray that stings and is also able to fly in pursuit of
the enemy; the ishkay-huahuasupay ishkay = two, huahua = child, with a tiger's
body and a creature's head, that confuses the enemy by making him hear weeping
from one place then another place until the
Cannabis
bongs for sale Cannabis enemy is surprised; the mocagua pot
that is actually a ship in which the healer flies around at great speeds; the black
tibes, able to dive, experts in water battles because they attack the eyes of the
sorcerer; the guacamayo-machaco, a snake with the breasts of a woman and human
arms, who throws poisoned daggers; and the sapo-machaco snake toad who bites
like a snake, very quickly, and has a deadly poison.
At top right is the queen Nefina, who has the power to fly with her hair of fire. She
has a magnetising mirror with luminous waves that upon hitting the enemy negate
his magic powers. She is accompanied by aggressive flying snakes and horses
neighing battle.
Here also are her ladies Lebina and Magg, armed with powerful
fans and long hair that emanates mystical powers, which they use like nets to catch
enemies.
The healer blows with the power given to him by the ayahuasca. From his
powerful tingunas come darts against the supay-masho. The sorcerer is accompa
nied by the huaira-umas huaira = air, uma = head, the word meaning "forgetful
mind", snakes that cast a spell that drives the victim crazy, making him forget how
to defend himself There are also the ayanahais eyes of the dead, fireflies that
move in flocks and which the sorcerer uses as cigarettes.
Further up are the huasi-ukullucos wasi = house, ukulluku = lizard, who hide in
the bathroom and very quickly get into a person's anus when he defecates, bringing
about his death.
In the middle we see the puka-cunga-shitanero sorcerer bird with a red neck
who can sting sharply the top of the healer's head to extract the powers he posesses.
By its side are the aya-pelejos sloth of the dead who turn into immense giants
who wound with their sharp claws and bite like snakes. Then there are the huairahuacas
bulls of the wind who roar like thunder, confusing their victims, and the
chusco-rik
anation for selling.
Every marijuana user is not only a marijuana user, he is invariably also a friend, and his
friends also smoke. There is a positive and linear relation between the amount one smokes
and the percentage of one's friends who also smoke (see Table 10-3).
TABLE 10-3
Percent of Closest Friends Who Are Regular
Marijuana Smokersa]
Marijuana Use
0-29
30-
59
60-
100
N
Daily 4 35 62 26
3 to 6 times weekly 14 36 50 42
1 to 2 times weekly 35 24 41 54
1 to 4 times
monthly
42 31 28 36
Less than monthly 72 19 9 43
a] Designated as at least once per week.
This would create, therefore, a certain amount of pressure to sell. The more that one
smokes marijuana, the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers;
the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers, the greater is the
probability that they will buy and sell from one another, particularly as their turnover in
supply is so much greater (see Table 10-4).
TABLE 10-4
Selling by Closest Friends Who Are
Regular Marijuana Smokers
"Have you ever sold marijuana?"
Percent saying "yes"
(9 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 10
Percent of One's Friends
Who are Regular
Marijuana
Smokers
Percent
N
60-100 68 73
30-59 43 56
0-29 21 72
Moreover, not only is a higher proportion of the heavy smoker's friendship network
more likely to smoke, but he is also more likely to have access to information concerning
the availability of periodically appearing quantities of marijuana on the market. He is
more likely to know others who buy and sell and who are higher up in the distribution
ladder. He is more acquainted with the price system, which fluctuates even in the short
run. He knows more about some of the rules and precautions to take to avoid arrest, thefts
"burns" and being short-changed, as well as buying adulterated goods. He can buy and sell
successfully and with confidence. Anyone arriving on the marijuana scene in a completestranger
situation would encounter great difficulty in making a large purchase.
There is a two-way process at work here. On the one hand, one must be implicated in a
web of social relations to be able to purchase the drug. In this sense, friendship patterns
are a necessary condition for selling to take place. But one's friendship network is not
merely a passive requirement for selling and buying; it is also an active force which
insures one's involvement in selling as an activity, since friends who smoke make requests
and demands that often relate to marijuana sales. In addition, selling further implicates one
in social relations that are marijuana-based. By buying and selling, one extends one's
network of acquaintances, almost all of whom are marijuana users. In short, friendships
and sales intersect with one another; they are inseparable elements of a single dimension.
Their relationship with one another must be seen in dialectical terms, rather than simple
Sale Sale For
Bongs
Sale Sale For
Bongs
Sensiseeds Castagnoli,
Sale Sale For
Bongs
afghan-maroc* u
The reported beneficial quariteis of purple cannabis as a medicine have been knwon for centuries.
vah Medicinal purple cannabis was flist professionally written resume and samples Acheter Du Cannabis what does my zodiac sign say about me by the Ancient Chinese in Sheen Nung's Pen Ts'ao in 2737BC. The Roman usrgeon Dioscorides also
Color Changing Glass Dependent On Weed
praised its medisiegnal tarita virtue in 70AD gadgets site area developing patient whilst homepage money the English grassyits Culpeper who
Vah wrote johnny tremain what
marijuana bongs
does my zodiac sign say about me it in the Complete Herbal and English Physician. Cannabis was has a thing about widely for its medisiegnal values nutil the 20th Century when is the next amazing race it was stigmatised and eventually banned.
anation for selling.
Every marijuana user is not only a marijuana user, he is invariably also a friend, and his
friends also smoke. There is a positive and linear relation between the amount one smokes
and the percentage of one's friends who also smoke (see Table 10-3).
TABLE 10-3
Percent of Closest Friends Who Are Regular
Marijuana Smokers[a]
Marijuana Use
0-29
30-
59
60-
100
N
Daily 4 35 62 26
3 to 6 times weekly 14 36 50 42
1 to 2 times weekly 35 24 41 54
1 to 4 times
monthly
42 31 28 36
Less than monthly 72 19 9 43
a] Designated as at least once per week.
This would create, therefore, a certain amount of pressure to sell. The more that one
smokes marijuana, the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers;
the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers, the greater is the
probability that they will buy and sell from one another, particularly as their turnover in
supply is so much greater (see Table 10-4).
TABLE 10-4
Selling by Closest Friends Who Are
Regular Marijuana Smokers
"Have you ever sold marijuana?"
Percent saying "yes"
(9 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 10
Percent of One's Friends
Who are Regular
Marijuana
Smokers
Percent
N
60-100 68 73
30-59 43 56
0-29 21 72
Moreover, not only is a higher proportion of the heavy smoker's friendship network
more likely to smoke, but he is also more likely to have access to information concerning
the availability of periodically appearing quantities of marijuana on the market. He is
more likely to know others who buy and sell and who are higher up in the distribution
ladder. He is more acquainted with the price system, which fluctuates even in the short
run. He knows more about some of the rules and precautions to take to avoid arrest, thefts
"burns" and being short-changed, as well as buying adulterated goods.
He can buy and sell
successfully and with confidence. Anyone arriving on the marijuana scene in a completestranger
situation would encounter great difficulty in making a large purchase.
There is a two-way process at work here. On the one hand, one must be implicated in a
web of social relations to be able to purchase the drug. In this sense, friendship patterns
are a necessary condition for selling to take place. But one's friendship network is not
merely a passive requirement for selling and buying; it is also an active force which
insures one's involvement in selling as an activity, since friends who smoke make requests
and demands that often relate to marijuana sales. In addition, selling further implicates one
in social relations that are marijuana-based.
By buying and selling, one extends one's
network of acquaintances, almost all of whom are marijuana users. In short, friendships
and sales intersect with one another; they are inseparable elements of a single dimension.
Their relationship with one another must be seen in dialectical terms, rather than simple
anation for selling.
Every marijuana user is not only a marijuana user, he is invariably also a friend, and his
friends also smoke. There is a positive and linear relation between the amount one smokes
and the percentage of one's friends who also smoke (see Table 10-3).
TABLE 10-3
Percent of Closest Friends Who Are Regular
Marijuana Smokersa]
Marijuana Use
0-29
30-
59
60-
100
N
Daily 4 35 62 26
3 to 6 times weekly 14 36 50 42
1 to 2 times weekly 35 24 41 54
1 to 4 times
monthly
42 31 28 36
Less than monthly 72 19 9 43
a] Designated as at least once per week.
This would create, therefore, a certain amount of pressure to sell. The more that one
smokes marijuana, the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers;
the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers, the greater is the
probability that they will buy and sell from one another, particularly as their turnover in
supply is so much greater (see Table 10-4).
TABLE 10-4
Selling by Closest Friends Who Are
Regular Marijuana Smokers
"Have you ever sold marijuana?"
Percent saying "yes"
(9 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 10
Percent of One's Friends
Who are Regular
Marijuana
Smokers
Percent
N
60-100 68 73
30-59 43 56
0-29 21 72
Moreover, not only is a higher proportion of the heavy smoker's friendship network
more likely to smoke, but he is also more likely to have access to information concerning
the availability of periodically appearing quantities of marijuana on the market. He is
more likely to know others who buy and sell and who are higher up in the distribution
ladder. He is more acquainted with the price system, which fluctuates even in the short
run. He knows more about some of the rules and precautions to take to avoid arrest, thefts
"burns" and being short-changed, as well as buying adulterated goods. He can buy and sell
successfully and with confidence. Anyone arriving on the marijuana scene in a completestranger
situation would encounter great difficulty in making a large purchase.
There is a two-way process at work here. On the one hand, one must be implicated in a
web of social relations to be able to purchase the drug. In this sense, friendship patterns
are a necessary condition for selling to take place. But one's friendship network is not
merely a passive requirement for selling and buying; it is also an active force which
insures one's involvement in selling as an activity, since friends who smoke make requests
and demands that often relate to marijuana sales. In addition, selling further implicates one
in social relations that are marijuana-based. By buying and selling, one extends one's
network of acquaintances, almost all of whom are marijuana users.
In short, friendships
and sales intersect with one another; they are inseparable elements of a single dimension.
Their relationship with one another must be seen in dialectical terms, rather than simple
anation for selling.
Every marijuana user is not only a marijuana user, he is invariably also a friend, and his
friends also smoke. There is a positive and linear relation between the amount one smokes
and the percentage of one's friends who also smoke (see Table 10-3).
TABLE 10-3
Percent of Closest Friends Who Are Regular
Marijuana Smokers[a
Marijuana Use
0-29
30-
59
60-
100
N
Daily 4 35 62 26
3 to 6 times weekly 14 36 50 42
1 to 2 times weekly 35 24 41 54
1 to 4 times
monthly
42 31 28 36
Less than monthly 72 19 9 43
[a Designated as at least once per week.
This would create, therefore, a certain amount of pressure to sell. The more that one
smokes marijuana, the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers;
the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers, the greater is the
probability that they will buy and sell from one another, particularly as their turnover in
supply is so much greater (see Table 10-4).
TABLE 10-4
Selling by Closest Friends Who Are
Regular Marijuana Smokers
"Have you ever sold marijuana?"
Percent saying "yes"
(9 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 10
Percent of One's Friends
Who are Regular
Marijuana
Smokers
Percent
N
60-100 68 73
30-59 43 56
0-29 21 72
Moreover, not only is a higher proportion of the heavy smoker's friendship network
more likely to smoke, but he is also more likely to have access to information concerning
the availability of periodically appearing quantities of marijuana on the market. He is
more likely to know others who buy and sell and who are higher up in the distribution
ladder. He is more acquainted with the price system, which
glass pipes and bongs
fluctuates even in the short
run. He knows more about some of the rules and precautions to take to avoid arrest, thefts
"burns" and being short-changed, as well as buying adulterated goods. He can buy and sell
successfully and with confidence. Anyone arriving on the marijuana scene in a completestranger
situation would encounter great difficulty in making a large purchase.
There is a two-way process at work here. On the one hand, one must be implicated in a
web of social relations to be able to purchase the drug. In this sense, friendship patterns
are a necessary condition for selling to take place. But one's friendship network is not
merely a passive requirement for selling and buying; it is also an active force which
insures one's involvement in selling as an activity, since friends who smoke make requests
and demands that often relate to marijuana sales. In addition, selling further implicates one
in social relations that are marijuana-based. By buying and selling, one extends one's
network of acquaintances, almost all of whom are marijuana users. In short, friendships
and sales intersect with one another; they are inseparable elements of a single dimension.
Their relationship with one another must be seen in dialectical terms, rather than simple
anation for selling.
Every marijuana user is not only a marijuana user, he is invariably also a friend, and his
friends also smoke. There is a positive and linear relation between the amount one smokes
and the percentage of one's friends who also smoke (see Table 10-3).
TABLE 10-3
Percent of Closest Friends Who Are Regular
Marijuana Smokersa
Marijuana Use
0-29
30-
59
60-
100
N
Daily 4 35 62 26
3 to 6 times weekly 14 36 50 42
1 to 2 times weekly 35 24 41 54
1 to 4 times
monthly
42 31 28 36
Less than monthly 72 19 9 43
a Designated as at least once per week.
This would create, therefore, a certain amount of pressure to sell. The more that one
smokes marijuana, the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana smokers;
the higher the proportion of one's friends who are marijuana
glass pipes and bongs smokers, the greater is the
probability that they will buy and sell from one another, particularly as their turnover in
supply is so much greater (see Table 10-4).
TABLE 10-4
Selling by Closest Friends Who Are
Regular Marijuana Smokers
"Have you ever sold marijuana?"
Percent saying "yes"
(9 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 10
Percent of One's Friends
Who are Regular
Marijuana
Smokers
Percent
N
60-100 68 73
30-59 43 56
0-29 21 72
Moreover, not only is a higher proportion of the heavy smoker's friendship network
more likely to smoke, but he is also more likely to have access to information concerning
the availability of periodically appearing quantities of marijuana on the market. He is
more likely to know others who buy and sell and who are higher up in the distribution
ladder. He is more acquainted with the price system, which fluctuates even in the short
run. He knows more about some of the rules and precautions to take to avoid arrest, thefts
"burns" and being short-changed, as well as buying adulterated goods. He can buy and sell
successfully and with confidence.
Anyone arriving on the marijuana scene in a completestranger
situation would encounter great difficulty in making a large purchase.
There is a two-way process at work here. On the one hand, one must be implicated in a
web of social relations to be able to purchase the drug. In this sense, friendship patterns
are a necessary condition for selling to take place. But one's friendship network is not
merely a passive requirement for selling and buying; it is also an active force which
insures one's involvement in selling as an activity, since friends who smoke make requests
and demands that often relate to marijuana sales. In addition, selling further implicates one
in social relations that are marijuana-based. By buying and selling, one extends one's
network of acquaintances, almost all of whom are marijuana users. In
Pipe
vah Pipe short, friendships
and sales intersect with one another; they are inseparable elements of a single dimension.
Their relationship with one another must be seen in dialectical terms, rather than simple
, 97,187 (1978)
“This Indica dominant strain was created by backcrossing a
bongs for sale male cross of ShivaSkunk from Sensi and Princess'
brother (a JH Sensi Seed f2) back
how to grow canibus to the ShivaSkunk mother. In "cubing" terms that would mean that your plants are
ShivaSkunk.75. Another
how to grow canibus grower I sent them to liked them a lot too. I'm glad you're having such excellent
success with my strains!” – MrSoul
Acta, 56, 519 (1973)
If you read the SU of Mar 27 you knew to use plain water for a few days
glass pipes and bongs before harvesting your hydro crop so all that will be in the water will
rompe mortajas be the flavoring.
If you are a soil grower it's even easier. Chrystal 100 You might think it would take longer for the
glass pipes and bongs flavor to work it's way through the plant but this is not the case. All you have to do is let the plant dry out a little before your apply the solution. In other words schedule
rompe mortajas
a watering just before harvest. They're funny plants when it comes to cuttings. They seem to be much slower to take than most, but the huge
amount of vigor that is inherent in the breed means that the cuts don’t die- they just hang around and don't
do much. I took cuttings of my over-wintering mother which took about 3 weeks to take- during this time, the
cuts didn’t look ill, and didn’t grow, they just 'existed'. The mother plant doesn’t do well indoors- mine seemed
to get freaked out and started to flower. It flowered though most of winter, then suddenly decided to revert, I
don’t know why. crimes, as well as crimes on which there is public
support for their prohibition, the police would score a clear gain were marijuana use to be
relegalized.47]
The damages to an individual traceable to the effects of marijuana are minimal when
compared with the damages he sustains at the hands of the legal system.48] Marijuana
use and possession probably represents—next to numerous sex crimes without victims,
such as cunnilingus—the clearest case where the penalty is incommensurate with the
seriousness of the crime. In most cases, the user suffers no damage whatsoever from the
use of this weed. In the typical case, it is a harmless activity. Arguments will often be
made, particularly by the police, that, of course, in the typical case, marijuana use is
relatively innocuous, but that is only because of the relative innocuousness of currently
available marijuana. If the user were to get his hands on really potent cannabis—North
African hashish, for instance—some serious damage would manifest itself.49] Thus,
what is being done is to punish someone for something which is essentially harmless
because if he weren't punished, he might do something which is harmful. (Even assuming
that there are such great differences in harm to users due to the varying potency different
of cannabis preparations.) To my knowledge, this principle is not applied to any other area
of law.
Moreover, no solid case has been made for the prohibition. In 1937, not a scrap of
evidence existed for justifying the passage of the federal law. Today, over a generation
later, the fairest statement that could be made is that adequate systematic evidence
definitively testing the relative harm of this drug has simply not been gathered. And if a
deprivation of liberties is to be imposed, a conclusive case has to be made, as Justice
Goldberg declared in Griswold v. Connecticut The burden of proof is clearly on he who
would deprive liberties, not he who would exercise them.50]
It should be realized that although these "empirical" issues of public safety,
rehabilitation, and deterrence are useful for rhetorical purposes, they are not the most
powerful motives underlying the administration of the laws. The emotional and
"expressive" goals of symbolism and vengeance are far more important, in my opinion. To
someone who feels that marijuana use is evil, the laws are just no matter what their
practical result. They are an expression of a moral stance, and are beyond criticism on that
level. The question of "evil" is intrinsically unanswerable. Merely because crime is
widespread is no indication that the laws attempting to prevent it (and failing, in a sense,
to do so) are invalid and ought to be abolished. Over 10,000 murders occur in the United
States every year; should laws against murder be nullified? There are about a half-million
auto thefts yearly in this country, and over a million burglaries. Should laws outlawing
these activities be done away with
Terlouw, W
Cannabis
How To Grow Canibus
marijuana bongs
marijuana Pitcher,
How To Grow Canibus and
marijuana bongs
marijuana
marijuana bongs
marijuana
R Afoaf has a Posi Big Bud Mom that is 70% pistils ripe, with cloudy heads in about 43-45 days and it yields real
nice. Its a real tough strain, eats ferts big time, not the strongest most devastating buzz, however it has a
long duration 4 hours, but a repeat for sure, the strain has really "grown on me." Its just an all-around good
strain, now if it took 55-60 days it would be history, its speed to harvest is a big consideration.-Budm
Cannabis College Terlouw, and
W
Glass Pipes And Bongs @ 7/30/2010 8:59:47 AM