graffix bongs
experimenter interviewed the subject about his medical history, including dizziness, fainting spells, and
so forth. A tray of drugs and medical instruments, labeled "Emergency Tray," was clearly visible in the
background. No reference was made to it unless a subject asked about it, in which case he was told that
this was one of the precautionary measures taken for the experiment and that he had nothing to worry
about.
Instructions for the four-hour experimental period, termed "sensory deprivation," were given. They
included the fact that a physician was always available should anything untoward develop, and pointed
out that if the subject couldn't take it, he could push a button, labeled "Emergency Alarm," to summon
assistance.
The subject then had his blood pressure and pulse taken to further reinforce the "medical" atmosphere
and was asked to sign a form that released the sponsoring organization, all affiliated organizations, and
their personnel from legal consequences of the experiment.
The actual experimental treatment, spending four hours in a small, well-lighted, comfortably
furnished room, had nothing to do with sensory deprivation. Except for the observation window through
which the subject could be observed, it was essentially a normal room and all that happened to the
subject was that there was no one to talk with for four hours.
A second group, the control subjects, were greeted by the same experimenter but he wore ordinary
business clothes and acted in a less officious manner. There was no "Emergency Tray" in the interview
room, nor was a medical history taken. The subject was told he was a control subject for sensory
deprivation studies. The procedures typical of such studies were described to him, such as white noise
on earphones, translucent goggles to block out all patterned vision, soft beds to reduce touch sensations,
and rules prohibiting physical movement. There was no "Emergency Alarm" button in the experimental
room.
Each control subject then spent four hours in the experimental room; experimental conditions were
thus the same except for the demands.
Both groups were interviewed after the experimental period and given various psychological tests.
The experimental group showed a number of significant changes on the psychological tests typical of
those found in sensory deprivation studies. Further, this group reported many more classical sensory
deprivation effects than the control group, including more perceptual aberrations, feelings of intellectual
dulling, unpleasant emotions, spatial disorientation, and restlessness. Thus many of the effects
commonly attributed to a "powerful" treatment, sensory deprivation, can be obtained by the implicit
demands in experimental instructions.
I fear that the reader who is not himself a physician or psychologist (i.e., who accepts such
experimental conditions as "normal") will find the above description of experimental conditions rather
ludicrous. How c oward
various drugs vary tremendously from culture to culture, and this prevailing cultural climate may have a
strong effect on the user. Classical Islamic culture, for instance, prohibits the use of alcohol but
sanctions marijuana use. Our American culture as a whole believes marijuana produces undesirable and
dangerous effects, and this knowledge may very well influence an individual user at times, in spite of
subcultural support of marijuana smoking. In our culture, feelings of paranoia (e.
g.
, fear that there may
be a policeman watching) are frequent and normal, although experienced users generally treat them
rather objectively rather than getting concerned Cannabis Seeds Cannabis about them in a maladaptive fashion.
Personality affects marijuana reactions.
Users commonly believe, for example, that authoritarian
people, who are not open to new ways of perceiving and thinking, either get no effects at all from
smoking marijuana or have very unpleasant effects. They try to maintain their ordinary way of
perceiving and thinking against the drug effects. There is a large psychological literature on the way in
which personality factors affect reactions to a wide variety of psychoactive drugs other than marijuana.
Overall physiological functioning shows very similar patterns in healthy individuals; i.e., their bodily
reactions to a given drug are similar enough to not be important.
For some drugs and/or for some
individuals, however, unique physiological factors might cause special reactions.
I know of no solid
(4 of 16)4/15/2004 7:02:54 AM
On Being Stoned - Chapter 2
information on this for marijuana, but it should be kept in mind as a potential source of variability.
Learned drug skills are particularly important in marijuana intoxication. A neophyte Kc33 commonly must
use marijuana several times before becoming aware of its effects; he must learn to recognize certain
subtle effects that indicate he is intoxicated (see, e.g., Becker, 1953). With increasing experience and
contact with other marijuana users, the neophyte learns of other effects that he may try to experience
himself and of techniques for controlling his intoxication experience (see Chapter 17). He may learn to
reproduce many of the usual effects of intoxication without actually using marijuana, as in "contact
highs" (feeling intoxicated just by being with intoxicated companions) or "conditioned highs" (feeling
intoxicated to some extent by the action of preparing to use marijuana).
Immediate user factors include several factors that assume particular values for hours to days before
using a drug, such as mood, expectations as to what will happen, and desires for particular happenings.
Mood is particularly important with a drug like marijuana, as many users report the intoxicated state
amplifies whatever mood they were in before taking the drug (see Chapter 16). If they were happy, they
may become very happy; if they were sad, they may become particularly gloomy. An experimental stu
Demuth, Cannabis photos Cannabis and W
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strain, one of my fav's too." -Unknown
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Lett will be
discussed as well as to an
entire tradition in marijuana commentary. Yet such a conclusion is difficult to avoid. The
marijuana user appears to be more active socially than the nonuser.
He has more friends
and socializes more. He is engaged in a larger number and a greater variety of activities
than
Cannabis Guide Cannabis the nonuser—aesthetic appreciation and creation, political activism, and social
welfare, for instance.
(Of course, some other human endeavors, such as traditional and
formal religious participation, are less often the object of marijuana users' interests.)
The zero-sum notion assumes that the two realms, the straight and the stoned, are
antagonistic and incompatible, enjoyed by a wholly different and distinct personnel. In
reality, most potsmokers do not rob their straight life to pay their stoned existence. More
commonly, the two enrich each other. Thus, any model based on the assumption that by
using marijuana those activities which society values will typically or necessarily
deteriorate in the lives of users has to be faulty. In the average user, no such process takes
place. (It will, of course, be a relatively simple matter to uncover exceptions.) The average
marijuana smoker utilizes his drug of choice as an adjunct and an enhancer of many of the
activities that the ordinary law-abiding citizen participates in.
The dire predictions of what happens when someone takes to the weed do not seem to
happen. It is said that although marijuana is not technically addicting, it does generate a
kind of psychological addiction (thus, the stoned model), and that once legal restrictions
are relaxed, huge numbers of persons will be stupefied most of their waking hours. When
we look at the facts, this argument evaporates. Most marijuana users smoke the weed
occasionally. The truly committed "head," the smoker who is high the whole day, day in
and day out, is a relative rarity, perhaps comprising 1 or 2 percent of everyone who has
ever smoked marijuana.
And yet it is from this rarefied upper reaches of the world of
potsmoking that society's model of marijuana use is borrowed.
We will, of course, be
Growing content Growing content Marijuana able to locate specific individuals who are, in fact, high a great
proportion of their waking hours. But the difference between marijuana and any of the
physiologically addicting drugs—including alcohol—in this respect is so great as to be a
(6 of 9)4/15/2004 1:08:52 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 12
difference of kind, and not simply a matter of degree. It is only because the medical
profession views marijuana use by definition pathological and abnormal ("abuse" is
defined as taking a drug outside a medical context) that any use of marijuana has to be
viewed, medically, as a kind of habituation,
cheap bongs
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necessary to face the fact th Green Spirit is a hybrid of Big Bud and Skunk #1.
Cannagenetics Was developed because Big Bud itself is not a very
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Clear
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Big Bud and Skunk 1. Was developed because Big Bud itself is not a very
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By crossing Big Bud and Skunk 1, Green
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an explosive flowering trait and are extremely resinous. Very high yield. , 88,
3664 (1966)
Wholesale Bongs Buy Weed Pipes , Wholesale Bongs Buy Weed Pipes 11,377
(1968)
Padwa
Vaporizer Vaporizer and G Terlouw, and
W
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among professional criminals for profit. How we
characterize marijuana selling depends on what level the transaction takes place. This
might lend sustenance to the ideologically involved contestants, since they may, without
distortion, portray dealing in a fashion which pleases their biases.
Just how involved the large-scale dealer is in marijuana selling is obliquely determined
by the size of the seizures of imports from Mexico. In terms of the number of these
smuggling attempts, clearly the overwhelming majority are of relatively insignificant
quantities—under a pound. The largest recent border seizure was about a ton of marijuana.
An operation of this size obviously requires organization: a micro-bus, middlemen in
Mexico, drivers and high-level dealers for distribution. This is not Cosa Nostra
organization, but it is organization. If we mean by "organized crime," a syndicate
involving thousands of tightly knit, lifelong committed gangsters whose entire livelihood
derives from illegal activities, then marijuana probably is not sold, never has been sold,
and never will be sold by professional criminals. If, however, we mean an independent
operation involving a score of individuals whose activities are coordinated, and who will
earn their living for a few years from marijuana sales, then it is true that marijuana is often
sold by professional criminals. Just how much of the total of marijuana consumed derives
from this kind of source is impossible to determine.
This is why a consideration of the level at which a deal takes place is important. The
importer is often a criminal: his livelihood is importing grass; he is a capitalist who sells
an illegal product with no particular commitment to marijuana as an agent of mindtransformation,
an element in a subculture, or a catalyst in social change. He probably
does not smoke marijuana. The unsystematic business practices of "head" dealers created
a vacuum into which he stepped. The multi-kilogram top-level dealers to whom he sells
are also primarily profit seekers. The crucial difference between the importer and his dealcustomers
is that the dealer sells to consumers as well as to other dealers and is very likely
(14 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 10
to be a consumer himself. Next to the consumer, friendship transactions are common.
Thus, to say that marijuana is a business is both true and false. At some levels it is; at
some, it is not. To say that it is big business is misleading. A monthly take of a quarter of
a million dollars, split twenty ways, might represent the very top of the profession. Lower
down, even dedicated hustling brings in what an unskilled factory worker might make.
Below that, the profit motive breaks down entirely.
A commonly encountered argument against the use of marijuana employs the
differential association theory: by using the drug, one is thrown into association with the
criminal underworld and, therefore, at Petrzilka, M
It is interesting to note that Razdan et al
e to say that the user who possesses only an ounce is
almost certainly not a large-scale dealer.
There is the argument that the penalties for marijuana possession (and use) should be
reduced, but not for selling. This distinction violates empirical reality; it implies the
existence of two relatively separated social and moral spheres that articulate on a
superficial basis—profit.
If the seller is guilty, the user is, too, because the user is the
seller, and the seller the user. The technical exchange of contraband goods for money
takes place at every conceivable level and by nearly everyone above the minimally
involved. Labeling all selling heinous and use only moderately reprehensible, is to display
ignorance of how the market works. The present law, as well as the moderate reforms
currently being proposed, puts use in one legal, logical category, and all levels of selling
in another. We find use and most selling transactions to be logically and socially
indistinguishable while high level, high volume, and high profit selling
seedscannabis transactions exist
in a disjunctive social and moral universe. If we believed in "natural"
seedscannabis social categories, the
present confusion would represent as great an intellectual blunder as classifying whales as
fish and bats as a species of bird.
* These prices were current before the Mexican border blockade and increased
vigilance of 1969 and 1970. At the present time (February 1970), prices are about one and
a third to one and a half more than what they were a year earlier, even assuming the
availability of marijuana, which is often problematic. (back)
N O T E S
1. It is interesting that the most vigorous of the antimarijuana propagandists of the
1930s, Harry Anslinger, denied that marijuana was sold by professional gangsters in 1937:
"... the control and sale of marijuana has not yet passed into the hands of the big gangster
syndicates. The supply is so vast, and grows in so many places,
seedscannabis that gangsters perhaps
have found it difficult to dominate the source.... gangdom has been hampered in its efforts
to corner the profits of what has now become an
Plant De Cannabis enormous business.
" See Harry J.
Anslinger, with Courtney Ryley Cooper, "Marijuana—Assassin of Youth," American
Magazine 124 (July 18, 1937): 152-153. (back)
2. The clearest recent statement of this position may be found in Will Oursler,
Marijuana: The Facts, the Truth (New York: Paul S. Eriksson, 1968), pp. 113-120.
Oursler seems
Feminized Weed Seeds to think these college student distributors are gangland fronts, and are
called "beavers" in the underworld.
(back)
3. The New York Times, September 27, 1968. (back)
4.
Ibid., October 6, 1968. (back)
5. The most informative of recent accounts must include: James T. Carey, The College
Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968), esp. chs. 2, 4, 5; Jerry Mandel,
"Myths and Realities of Marijuana Pushing," in J. L. seedscannabis Simmons, ed., Marijuana: Myths and
(16 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Ch
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they are under the big lights. I flowered for 53 days, last 24 hours no light. I alternated Big Bloom & Hi-P fishes
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n common patterning of functioning in all of these people, a common
pattern superimposed on their individual uniqueness, we may hypothesize something to explain this
common pattern. This hypothesized something might be a common personality trait, belief system,
physical attribute, or, in terms of our interest a common state of consciousness. Particularly, if we know
that all the observed individuals ingested marijuana just before we began observing them, we will be
tempted to say that the common pattern of functioning we observe is the result of their all being in a
state of marijuana intoxication.
Note, however, that it is the empirically observed common pattern of functioning1] that is the crucial
defining operation of the state of consciousness; the fact that they had all ingested marijuana serves
secondarily to specify something we think to be a cause of the hypothesized state of consciousness.
What, then, are the properties of this hypothesized state of consciousness, marijuana intoxication?
How do we discover these properties?
Clearly the way to answer this is to give marijuana to a number of people and observe what is
common in their experience and behavior.
Unfortunately, the observation process is much more complex
and full of pitfalls than we would expect.
Much of our usual experience with the effects of drugs on consciousness misleads us into expecting
fairly simple relationships. If, for example, you give a strong dose of barbiturates or other sedatives to a
person, he almost always goes to sleep. Hence we describe the state of consciousness (or lack of it)
induced by barbiturates as a barbiturate-induced sleep. There is little variability across subjects, and our
observational process is simple.
With a psychoactive drug like marijuana, on the other hand, the variability across subjects is very
high, and the observation process itself may systematically bias what we autoflower harvest observe, as will be detailed in
the next section. It may even turn out that different people might experience different states of
consciousness from using marijuana, that is, the observed patterns of experience and behavior fall into
several distinct patterns rather than a single pattern common to all individuals. We generally consider
alcohol intoxication, for example, as a single state, yet on a second thought there are clearly some
individuals who have very different experiences with alcohol from those the majority of us have. A drug
may thus stimulate a reorganization of functioning, but the nature of the new pattern may be determined
by factors other than the nature of the drug per se.
Let us consider in detail the question of why a given individual, taking marijuana (or any other
psychoactive drug, for that matter) at a particular time and place, might experience the particular things
that he does.
VARIABILITY OF DRUG-INDUCED STATES
Our common experience with many drugs inclines us to think along the line that "Drug A has effects
X,n common patterning of functioning in all of these people, a common
pattern superimposed on their individual uniqueness, we may hypothesize something to explain this
common pattern.
This hypothesized something might be a common personality trait, belief system,
physical attribute, or, in terms of our interest a common state of consciousness. Particularly, if we know
that all the observed individuals ingested marijuana just before we began observing them, we will be
tempted to say that the common pattern of functioning we observe is the result of their all being in a
state of marijuana intoxication.
Note, however, that it is the empirically observed common pattern of functioning1] that is the crucial
defining operation of the state of consciousness; the fact that they had all ingested marijuana serves
secondarily to specify something we think to be a cause of the hypothesized state of consciousness.
What, then, are the properties of this hypothesized state of consciousness, marijuana intoxication?
How do we discover these properties?
Clearly the way to answer this is to give marijuana to a number of people and observe what is
common in their experience and behavior. Unfortunately, the observation process is much more complex
and full of pitfalls than we would expect.
Much of our usual experience with the effects of drugs on consciousness misleads us into expecting
fairly simple relationships. If, for example, you give a strong dose of barbiturates or other sedatives to a
person, he almost always goes to sleep. Hence we describe the state of consciousness (or lack of it)
induced by barbiturates as a barbiturate-induced sleep. There is little variability across subjects, and our
observational process is simple.
With a psychoactive drug like marijuana, on the other hand, the variability across subjects is very
high, and the observation process itself may systematically bias what we observe, as will be detailed in
the next section. It may even turn out that different people might experience different states of
consciousness from using marijuana, that is, the observed patterns of experience and behavior fall into
several distinct patterns rather than a single pattern common to all individuals. We generally consider
alcohol intoxication, for example, as a single state, yet on a second thought there are clearly some
individuals who have very different experiences with alcohol from those the majority of us have. A drug
may thus stimulate a reorganization of functioning, but the nature of the new pattern may be determined
by factors other than the nature of the drug per se.
Let us consider in detail the question of why a given individual, taking marijuana (or any other
psychoactive drug, for that matter) at a particular time and place, might experience the particular things
that he does.
VARIABILITY OF DRUG-INDUCED STATES
Our common experience with many drugs inclines us to think along the line that "Drug A has effects
X,n common patterning of functioning in all of these people, a common
pattern superimposed on their individual uniqueness, we may hypothesize something to explain this
common pattern. This hypothesized something might be a common personality trait, belief system,
physical attribute, or, in terms of our interest a common state of consciousness. Particularly, if we know
that all the observed individuals ingested marijuana just before we began observing them, we will be
tempted to say that the common pattern of functioning we observe is the result of their all being in a
state of marijuana intoxication.
Note, however, that it is the empirically observed common pattern of functioning1 that is the crucial
defining operation of the state of consciousness; the fact that they had all ingested marijuana serves
secondarily to specify something we think to be a cause of the hypothesized state of consciousness.
What, then, are the properties of this hypothesized state of consciousness, marijuana intoxication?
How do we discover these properties?
Clearly the way to answer this is to give marijuana to a number of people and observe what is
common in their experience and behavior. Unfortunately, the observation process is much more complex
and full of pitfalls than we would expect.
Much of our usual experience with the effects of drugs on consciousness misleads us into expecting
fairly simple relationships.
If, for example, you give a strong dose of barbiturates or other sedatives to a
person, he almost always goes to sleep. Hence we describe the state of consciousness (or lack of it)
induced by barbiturates as a barbiturate-induced sleep. There is little variability across subjects, and our
observational process is simple.
With a psychoactive drug like marijuana, on the other hand, the variability across subjects is very
high, and the observation process itself may systematically bias what we observe, as will be detailed in
the next section. It may even turn out that different people might experience different states of
consciousness from using marijuana, that is, the observed patterns of experience and behavior fall into
several distinct patterns rather than a single pattern common to all individuals.
We generally consider
alcohol intoxication, for example, as a single state, yet on a second thought there are clearly some
individuals who have very different experiences with alcohol from those the majority of us have. A drug
may thus stimulate a reorganization of functioning, but the nature of the new pattern may be determined
by factors other than the nature of the drug per se.
Let us consider in detail the question of why a given individual, taking marijuana (or any other
psychoactive drug, for that matter) at a particular time and place, might experience the particular things
that he does.
VARIABILITY OF DRUG-INDUCED STATES
Our common experience with many drugs inclines us to think along the line that
How To Make Pipe And Bongs "Drug A has effects
X,n common patterning of functioning in all of these people, a common
pattern superimposed on their individual uniqueness, we may hypothesize something to explain this
common pattern. This hypothesized something might be a common personality trait, belief system,
physical attribute, or, in terms of our interest a common state of consciousness. Particularly, if we know
that all the observed individuals ingested marijuana just before we began observing them, we will be
tempted to say that the common pattern of functioning we observe is the result of their all being in a
state of marijuana intoxication.
Note, however, that it is the empirically observed common pattern of functioning1 that is the crucial
defining operation of the state of consciousness; the fact that they had all ingested marijuana serves
secondarily to specify something we think to be a cause of the hypothesized state of consciousness.
What, then, are the properties of this hypothesized state of consciousness, marijuana intoxication?
How do we discover these properties?
Clearly the way to answer this is to give marijuana to a number of people and observe what is
common in their experience and behavior. Unfortunately, the observation process is much more complex
and full of pitfalls than we would expect.
Much of our usual experience with the effects of drugs on consciousness misleads us into expecting
fairly simple relationships. If, for example, you give a strong dose of barbiturates or other sedatives to a
person, he almost always goes to sleep. Hence we describe the state of consciousness (or lack of it)
induced by barbiturates as a barbiturate-induced sleep. There is little variability across subjects, and our
observational process is simple.
With a psychoactive drug like marijuana, on the other hand, the variability across subjects is very
high, and the observation process itself may systematically bias what we observe, as will be detailed in
the next section. It may even turn out that different people might experience different states of
consciousness from using marijuana, that is, the observed patterns of experience and behavior fall into
several distinct patterns rather than a single pattern common to all individuals. We generally consider
alcohol intoxication, for example, as a single state, yet on a second thought there are clearly some
individuals who have very different experiences with alcohol from those the majority of us have. A drug
may thus stimulate a reorganization of functioning, but the
Plant De Cannabis nature of the new pattern may be determined
by factors other than the nature of the drug per se.
Let us consider in detail the question of why a given individual, taking marijuana (or any other
psychoactive drug, for that matter) at a particular time and place, might experience the particular things
that he does.
VARIABILITY OF DRUG-INDUCED STATES
Our common experience with many drugs inclines us to think along the line that "Drug A has effects
X,
“Northern lights #2 = originally a Hindu Kush X marajawana plant a to plant to Thai cross. It was selectively inbred and developed into a stable
almost all Kush type cross that is mostly indica.”
“I haven't done #5, but # 2 (Oasis) was great. Most people say that the NL strains have little or no taste or
smell, but my experience with #2 was that it had an oniony, garlicky smell and taste. The buzz was it.
Couch-lock, but surprisingly psychoactive, given indica's reputation. I don't think you can go News Cannabis wrong with a strain
that highly touted.” - Skunkman“Northern lights 2 = originally a Hindu Kush X Thai cross. It Anti Cannabis Partido Cannabis was selectively inbred and developed into a stable
almost all Kush type cross that is mostly indica.
”
“I haven't done 5, but 2 (Oasis) was great. Most people say that the NL strains have little or no taste or
smell, but my experience with 2 was that it had an oniony, garlicky smell and taste. The buzz was it.
Couch-lock, but surprisingly psychoactive, given indica's reputation. I don't think you can go wrong with a strain
that highly touted.” - Skunkman Salemink, Recl
"I believe Apollo 13 is P88 male X Genius (Princess' more indica type sister) but still a JH F2 from the same set
of seeds found at the 'Cafe in Adam. The new A11 is P94 or (C99 the more popular name) X Genius."
-Webfish because of the illegal
nature of the apprehension. One individual (arrested twice) involved in smuggling was not
arrested in the United States. One of the arrestees was judged at his trial not to be in
technical possession of the marijuana (one roach!), and the charges were dismissed.17]
Of the five remaining cases, one was arrested twice. None of the five was incarcerated for
his crime; four received suspended sentences, and one was still awaiting trial at the time
of the interview.
With all of our cases, the detection of the crime was fortuitous; in no case did an
undercover agent seek out use and selling. We cite three typical examples of the police
accidentally stumbling upon marijuana crimes:
A friend of mine whom I turned on felt guilty and told his father about it.
His father told the police, and the police followed him to my house. At four
a.m., the police rang my doorbell, and, when I answered, beat me up, and
then called my parents. I was adjudged a youthful offender, and placed on
probation for 14 months.
(10 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
twenty-year-old college student
I was playing pool with another guy, and two cops walked in, took us
outside, and searched us, me and my friend, and then they searched our car.
One joint was in the car. We were searched illegally; we were handcuffed
before they even found anything. The charge is going to be dropped because
I'm getting a recommendation from a youth counselor.
twenty-one-year-old clerk in a gift shop
I was sent one joint from Mexico through the mail. The customs officials
delivered the letter to my apartment in person—they had a search
warrant—and said that they were going to search my apartment. But I went
and got my supply, and gave it to them. They said that they were going to
arrest me, but they were willing to cooperate if I did. I supplied them with a
name of a dealer—knowing that he was leaving for Canada that day. I
wasn't arrested.
nineteen-year-old female clerk in a bookstore
Post-Arrest Disposition
Arrest is only the first step in a long legal process. The questions involved in the postarrest
disposition are often extremely complex and technical. The policeman, who
operates on the basis of simple guilt or innocence, is frustrated and angered to see one of
his cases dismissed on a minor technicality, feeling that the lawyers and judges are trying
to abort law and order. However, these formalities were designed to protect the possibly
innocent suspect, and they usually err on the side of being overly generous in letting many
probably guilty suspects go free, rather than making the mistake of jailing a few possibly
innocent suspects. That this happens to such a degree with marijuana charges points to the
fact that many judges, district attorneys, and lawyers have lost faith in the justice of the
marijuana statutes. A certain degree of leeway is allowed the public officials after arrest;
where many decis It's no point having blueberry pot that burns your throat or doesn't get you high. Do not pour any syrup or similar flavorings on your pot. The sugar will make it very harsh and you are inviting mold. There
are better ways. The best flavor enhancing starts while the plant is still growing. You can do a certain amount while it's curing and you can even affect the smell/flavor somewhat after it's been cured. There are two main approaches, inside out and outside in.
Using a Stackers whole room at this point you turn off the fan blowing air in but Placard you leave the door open a little. You never cut off ventilation completely because mold is a threat right up until the end. The leaves should start to get a little crisp after a week or two. If it happens sooner you may be using too much ventilation and should cut back. Along about this time you should notice a very nice smell.
Northern Lights
“pure Indica 88/89/90
An absolute must for the indoor grower! For the last couple of years the Northern Lights® has dominated the
various Harvest Festivals. Through selective breeding we have succeeded in producing one of the most powerful
plants in the world. On top of that, we have developed a strain highly adapted for indoor growing: compact,
powerful with a good yield and exceptional resin production. The most lucrative plant for the indoor grower.
Flowering: 45-50 days.
Height: 100-125 cm.
Yield: up to 125 gr.” – Sensi Seed Bank catalog
BAKER BONGS BONGS @ 3/12/2010 7:48:18 AM