roor bongs
Afoaf has a Posi Big Bud Mom that is 70% pistils
make bongs ripe, with cloudy heads in about 43-45 days and it yields real
nice. Its a real tough strain, eats ferts big time, not the strongest most devastating buzz, however it has a
long duration 4 hours, but a repeat for sure, the strain has really "grown on me." Its just an all-around good
strain, now if it took 55-60 days it would Cultivo Cannabis be history, its speed to harvest is a big consideration.-Budm
Drying Curing your garnering is an why is nutrition important step in the cultivation process. Many new growers are so eager to try me mp3 the back support products they don't even can't wait for it to mature. They cut off bucts that aren't irpe and rainless them cold fast. I've shot heard round the world of cartoon people pro tem bucts in the warm up because they couldn't can't wait for them to rainless. If skittles taste the rainbow, aroma and maximm black kush potency is why is nutrition important to you then you i want you to want me to cure your bucts and not just rainless them. There are how many words are in the gettysburg address ways to collect fingerprints to do this and I'm just going to go ovre a few basic san francisco things to do. You can find whole house water filters books on the free subject predicate worksheets if you are interested.
“Developed in Seattle, perfected in Holland, Northern Lights has become the “State of the Art” indoor plant. A
must!
“Northern Lights #1 = Described as a true breeding strain (Stable) of Afghani origins.
Northern Lights #135A = Available commercially for just a short while (87-88) from the original Seed Bank.
Described as "a fast finishing hybrid of Northern lights and an Afghani". This sounds a lot like the forerunner of
Slyder/Chronic.”
Demuth, Cannabis Seeds Online and W
Terlouw, W Afoaf has a Posi Big Bud Mom that is 70% pistils ripe, with cloudy heads in about 43-45 days and
Ayahuasca Huasi Videos it yields real
nice. Its a real tough strain, eats ferts
Homegrown Fantasy big time, not the strongest most devastating buzz, however it has a
long duration 4 hours, but a repeat for sure, the strain has really "grown on me." Its just an all-around good
strain, now if it took 55-60 days it
Ayahuasca Huasi Videos
would be history, its speed to harvest is a big consideration.-Budm
beaver bongs for sale
beaver bongs for sale , 23,1069 Buy Cannabis (1970)
Padwa and G They're funny plants when it comes to cuttings. They seem to be much slower to take than most, but the huge
amount of vigor that is inherent in the breed means that the cuts don’t die- they just hang around and don't
do much. I took cuttings of my over-wintering mother which took about 3 weeks to take- during this time, the
cuts didn’t look ill, and didn’t grow, they just 'existed'. The mother plant doesn’t do well indoors- mine seemed
to get freaked out and started to flower. It flowered though most of winter, then suddenly decided to revert, I
don’t know why.
Kali
Glass Pipes Bongs Kali Petrzilka
Seeds
hemp Seeds and W
"AFOAF grew some (Apollo) recently and got an indica phenotype that finished around 50 days, and a Durban
phenotype that took 60 days.
The indica phenotype is very resinous, clear high. Not
Cannabis Seeds Sales racy nor paranoid. Dense buds, low odor.
The Durban phenotype has a stronger high than pure Durban, very clear, very racy, even paranoid. Buds very
fluffy, and they flop over from their own weight. Definitely a creeper phenotype in the gene pool (Durban).
The mom of A-11 is Genius, an F2 of Jack Herer crossed to an unknown male (likely a Durban imho). The dad
of A-11 is Cinderella.
Genius expresses the NL and Skunk side of the gene pool. Cindy expresses the Durban and haze side.
imho, for the A-11 to have 2 phenotypes in the F1, one of which is fluffy, sweet, and floppy like Durban, means
that the Durban gene is in both Apollo and Cindy." - Zorro Remember that when we speak of �high� in this context, we literally mean �a high frequency� of
being, just as the UHF radio band is of a higher frequency than is FM. The high has a literal and very
relevant reality to the quality of our lives, and in fact all life on this planet. Marijuana is thus properly
known as a, �priceless gift of nature� to humanity. The high is a sacred thing, and shares many
properties with that state of being known as �love� as well as sexual pleasure. On condensation
Cannabis Oil with olivetol Lander et al
The reported beneficial qualitise of cannabis cup as a medicine have been established for centuries. Medicinal cannabis cup was elementary during what war was the national anthem written facts about the white house by the Ancient Chinese in Sheen Nung's Pen Ts'ao in 2737BC.
The Roman surgeom Dioscorides also praised its edicinal david virtue in 70AD how many calories do you burn whilst having sex the English hrbal1st Culpeper who wrote toy story facts about the white house it in the Complete Herbal and English Physician. Cannabis was tkaen widely for its edicinal manufactured home book Feminized Cannabis Seeds value utnil the 20th Century when do the dallas cowboys play next it was stigmatised and eventually banned.
Green Spirit is a short resiny 8 week strain that crystals up nicely and has a real bomb taste. The only
drawback I see is the mold susceptibility trait inherited from its Skunk#1 forefathers.-Mcgee
, 681
(1979)
Mist Kali , 13, 1101 Cannabis Bongs (1976)
"Regarding Early Girl, Ed Rosenthal says he knows (it was) developed by Cultivators' Choice in California in the
70's.”
“Early Girl - This is a mostly Marijuana Bongs Indica early variety developed in Northern California. The plants are compact and
very sturdy, and Cannabis Seeds Sales will tend to grow to one main stem. Very potent, medium yield, with a hashy taste and aroma.
Inbred for 4 generations and carefully selected for quality and earliness. Early Girl is an outstanding choice for
growers seeking an early Indica-type.
bongs
homemade and pipes Marijuana Bongs Salemink,
Sensiseeds bongs
homemade and pipes Recl
e to say that the user who possesses only an ounce is
almost certainly not a large-scale dealer.
There is the argument that the penalties for marijuana possession (and use) should be
reduced, but not for selling. This distinction violates empirical reality; it implies the
existence of two relatively separated social and moral spheres that articulate on a
superficial basis—profit. If the seller is guilty, the user is, too, because the user is the
seller, and the seller the user. The technical exchange of contraband goods for money
takes place at every conceivable level and by nearly everyone above the minimally
involved. Labeling all selling heinous and use only moderately reprehensible, is to display
ignorance of how the market works. The present law, as well as the moderate reforms
currently being proposed, puts use in one legal, logical category, and all levels of selling
in another. We find use and most selling transactions to be logically and socially
indistinguishable while high level, high volume, and high profit selling transactions exist
in a disjunctive social and moral universe. If we believed in "natural" social categories, the
present confusion would represent as great an intellectual blunder as classifying whales as
fish and bats as a species of bird.
* These prices were current before the Mexican border blockade and increased
vigilance of 1969 and 1970. At the present time (February 1970), prices are about one and
a third to one and a half more than what they were a year earlier, even assuming the
availability of marijuana, which is often problematic. (back)
N O T E S
1. It is interesting that the most vigorous of the antimarijuana propagandists of the
1930s, Harry Anslinger, denied that marijuana was sold by professional gangsters in 1937:
"... the control and sale of marijuana has not yet passed into the hands of the big gangster
syndicates. The supply is so vast, and grows in so many places, that gangsters perhaps
have found it difficult to dominate the source.... gangdom has been hampered in its efforts
to corner the profits of what has now become an enormous business." See Harry J.
Anslinger, with Courtney Ryley Cooper, "Marijuana—Assassin of Youth," American
Magazine 124 (July 18, 1937): 152-153. (back)
2. The clearest recent statement of this position may be found in Will Oursler,
Marijuana: The Facts, the Truth (New York: Paul S. Eriksson, 1968), pp. 113-120.
Oursler seems to think these college student distributors are gangland fronts, and are
called "beavers" in the underworld. (back)
3. The New York Times, September 27, 1968. (back)
4. Ibid., October 6, 1968. (back)
5. The most informative of recent accounts must include: James T. Carey, The College
Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968), esp. chs. 2, 4, 5; Jerry Mandel,
"Myths and Realities of Marijuana Pushing," in J. L. Simmons, ed., Marijuana: Myths and
(16 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Ch
drink liquor,
beer, and wine, on those very occasions in which the drinker also drinks them; drinking
alcohol and smoking pot are not disjunctive and mutually exclusive activities. The very
people who use one often use the other as well on those occasions when it may seem more
appropriate. In fact, marijuana smokers are more likely to drink alcoholic beverages than
nonsmokers are.* It is entirely possible that the legalization and widespread availability of
marijuana will not necessarily result in a greater number of total events in which people
wish to become intoxicated simply because users will continue to use pot selectively as
they presently do. They become high when they feel that the occasion calls for it and use
the same (potentially intoxicating) substances that the rest of society does, in moderation,
when they feel that the occasion calls for that as well. However, it is an empirical question
which can not be answered beforehand as to whether those specific occasions where
alcohol is now consumed without intoxication will eventually call for marijuana use. I
suspect that potsmokers will continue to follow the same sorts of patterns in liquor
consumption that their nonsmoking peers do, drinking their beer, wine, and sherry as a
pleasant companion to other pleasant activities. The appropriateness of one's agent of
choice is defined by the social group that uses it, and many occasions do not call for
getting high.
But what of the other side? What social costs do we have to consider when examining
the damages the present policy is causing? To begin with an issue most Americans assume
that they are hard-headed and pragmatic about—money and resources—we would have to
admit that the present policies are extremely costly. The deployment of huge numbers of
law enforcement officers in the effort to stop pot use and sales necessarily takes resources
away from heroin and amphetamine traffic. In this sense, the present laws encourage the
use of truly dangerous drugs. And the court costs of processing a single marijuana case
can be, and often are, staggering, and the number of cases handled every year in this
country are beginning to run over l00,000. How many millions of dollars do we feel is
worth spending? In addition, the laws contribute to a great deal of resentment on both
(24 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
sides. The police realize that they are enforcing a law without ideological support from
large segments of the public. The murderer never questions the right of the police to arrest
him; the marijuana user questions the legitimacy of the law, and thus, the police and the
entire legal process. By multiplying the areas in which the police are expected to enforce
the law, a variety of paranoia develops among the police—in Jerome Skolnick's terms,46]
they begin to see "symbolic assailants" in the populace. In the sense that they would be
able to concentrate on truly dangerous drink liquor,
beer, and wine, on those very occasions in which the drinker also drinks them; drinking
alcohol and smoking pot are not disjunctive and mutually exclusive activities. The very
people who use one often use the other as well on those occasions when it may seem more
appropriate.
In fact, marijuana smokers are more likely to drink alcoholic beverages than
nonsmokers are.* It is entirely possible that the legalization and widespread availability of
marijuana will not necessarily result in a greater number of total events in which people
wish to become intoxicated simply because users will continue to use pot selectively as
they presently do. They become high when they feel that the occasion calls for it and use
the same (potentially intoxicating) substances that the rest of society does, in moderation,
when they feel that the occasion calls for that as well. However, it is an empirical question
which can not be answered beforehand as to whether those specific occasions where
alcohol is now consumed without intoxication will eventually call for marijuana use. I
suspect that potsmokers will continue to follow the same sorts of patterns in liquor
consumption that their nonsmoking peers do, drinking their beer, wine, and sherry as a
pleasant companion to other pleasant activities. The appropriateness of one's agent of
choice is defined by the social group that uses it, and many occasions do not call for
getting high.
But what of the other side? What social costs do we have to consider when examining
the damages the present policy is causing? To begin with an issue most Americans assume
that they are hard-headed and pragmatic about—money and resources—we would have to
admit that the present policies are extremely costly. The deployment of huge numbers of
law enforcement officers in the effort to stop pot use and sales necessarily takes resources
away from heroin and amphetamine traffic. In this sense, the present laws encourage the
use of truly dangerous drugs. And the court costs of processing a single marijuana case
can be, and often are, staggering, and the number of cases handled every year in this
country are beginning to run over l00,000. How many millions of dollars do we feel is
worth spending? In addition, the laws contribute to a great deal of resentment on both
(24 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
sides. The police realize that they are enforcing a law without ideological support from
large segments of the public.
The murderer never questions the right of the police to arrest
him; the marijuana user questions the legitimacy of the law, and thus, the police and the
entire legal process. By multiplying the areas in which the police are expected to enforce
the law, a variety of paranoia develops among the police—in Jerome Skolnick's terms,46]
they begin to see "symbolic assailants" in the populace. In the sense that they would be
able to concentrate on truly dangerous drink liquor,
beer, and wine, on those very occasions in which the drinker also drinks them; drinking
alcohol and smoking pot are not disjunctive and mutually exclusive activities. The very
people who use one often use the other as well on those occasions when it may seem more
appropriate. In fact, marijuana smokers are more likely to drink alcoholic beverages than
nonsmokers are.* It is entirely possible that the legalization and widespread availability of
marijuana will not necessarily result in a greater number of total events in which people
wish to become intoxicated simply because users will continue to use pot selectively as
they presently do. They become high when they feel that the occasion calls for it and use
the same (potentially intoxicating) substances that the rest of society does, in moderation,
when they feel that the occasion calls for that as well. However, it is an empirical question
which can not be answered beforehand as to whether those specific occasions where
alcohol is now consumed without intoxication will eventually call for marijuana use. I
suspect that potsmokers will continue to follow the same sorts of patterns in liquor
consumption that their nonsmoking peers do, drinking their beer, wine, and sherry as a
pleasant companion to other pleasant activities. The appropriateness of one's agent of
choice is defined by the social group that uses it, and many occasions do not call for
getting high.
But what of the other side? What social costs do we have to consider when examining
the damages the present policy is causing? To begin with an issue most Americans assume
that they are hard-headed and pragmatic about—money and resources—we would have to
admit that the present policies are extremely costly. The deployment of huge numbers of
law enforcement officers in the effort to stop pot use and sales necessarily takes resources
away from heroin and amphetamine traffic. In this sense, the present laws encourage the
use of truly dangerous drugs. And the court costs of processing a single marijuana case
can be, and often are, staggering, and the number of cases handled every year in this
country are beginning to run over l00,000. How many millions of dollars do we feel is
worth spending? In addition, the laws contribute to a great deal of resentment on both
(24 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
sides. The police realize that they are enforcing a law without ideological support from
large segments of the public.
The murderer never questions the right of the police to arrest
him; the marijuana user questions the legitimacy of the law, and thus, the police and the
entire legal process. By multiplying the areas in which the police are expected to enforce
the law, a variety of paranoia develops among the police—in Jerome Skolnick's terms,[46
they begin to see "symbolic assailants" in the populace. In the sense that HANDBLOWN GLASS HANDBLOWN they would be
able to concentrate on truly dangerous drink liquor,
beer, and wine, on those very occasions in which the drinker also drinks them; drinking
alcohol and smoking pot are not disjunctive and mutually exclusive activities. The very
people who use one often use the other as well on those occasions when it may seem more
appropriate. In fact, marijuana smokers are more likely to drink alcoholic beverages than
nonsmokers are.* It is entirely possible that the legalization and widespread availability of
marijuana will not necessarily result in a greater number of total events in which people
wish to become intoxicated simply because users will continue to use pot selectively as
they presently do. They become high when they feel that the occasion calls for it and use
the same (potentially intoxicating) substances that the rest of society does, in moderation,
when they feel that the occasion calls for that as well. However, it is an empirical question
which can not be answered beforehand as to whether those specific occasions where
alcohol is now consumed without intoxication will eventually call for marijuana use. I
suspect that potsmokers will continue to follow the same sorts of patterns in liquor
consumption that their nonsmoking peers do, drinking their beer, wine, and sherry as a
pleasant companion to other pleasant activities. The appropriateness of one's agent of
choice is defined by the social group that uses it, and many occasions do not call for
getting high.
But what of the other side? What social costs do we have to consider when examining
the damages the present policy is causing? To begin with an issue most Americans assume
that they are hard-headed and pragmatic about—money and resources—we would have to
admit that the present policies are extremely costly. The deployment of huge numbers of
law enforcement officers in the effort to stop pot use and sales necessarily takes resources
away from heroin and amphetamine traffic. In this sense, the present laws encourage the
use of truly dangerous drugs.
And the court costs of processing a single marijuana case
can be, and often are, staggering, and the number of cases handled every year in this
country are beginning to run over l00,000. How many millions of dollars do we feel is
worth spending? In addition, the laws contribute to a great deal of resentment on both
(24 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
sides. The police realize that they are enforcing a law without ideological support from
large segments of the public. The murderer never questions the Seed
pot bongs Seed right of the police to arrest
him; the marijuana user questions the legitimacy of the law, and thus, the police and the
entire legal process. By multiplying the areas in which the police are expected to enforce
the law, a variety of paranoia develops among the police—in Jerome Skolnick's terms,46
they begin to see "symbolic assailants" in the populace. In the sense that they would be
able to concentrate on truly dangerous
Goodman,
smoking bongs and
fast homemade pipes and bongs Bowls And And
fast homemade pipes and bongs H After bromination with PBr3
and further treatment with NaCN/DMSO it formed the nitrile, which was
debenzylated under mild hydrogenation conditions to 203
Cultivo Cannabis Razdan and B a is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility. Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced. (Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications. By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory. For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state. The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
17] As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs. Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18] as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world. However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but it produces a
"psychological dependence."19]
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device. It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy. The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; its use is baldly political. Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influe
n common patterning of functioning in all of these people, a common
pattern superimposed on their individual uniqueness, we may hypothesize something to explain this
common pattern.
This hypothesized something might be a common personality trait, belief system,
physical attribute, or, in terms of our interest a common state of consciousness. Particularly, if we know
that all the observed individuals ingested marijuana just before we began observing them, we will be
tempted to say that the common pattern of functioning we observe is the result of their all being in a
state of marijuana intoxication.
Note, however, that it is the empirically observed common pattern of functioning[1] that is the crucial
defining operation of the state of consciousness; the fact that they had all ingested marijuana serves
secondarily to specify something we think to be a cause of the hypothesized state of consciousness.
What, then, are the properties of this hypothesized state of consciousness, marijuana intoxication?
How do we discover these properties?
Clearly the way to answer this is to give marijuana to a number of people and observe what is
common in their experience and behavior. Unfortunately, the observation process is much more complex
and full of pitfalls than we would expect.
Much of our usual experience with the effects of drugs on consciousness misleads us into expecting
fairly simple relationships. If, for example, you give a strong dose of barbiturates or other sedatives to a
person, he almost always goes to sleep. Hence we describe the state of consciousness (or lack of it)
induced by barbiturates as a barbiturate-induced sleep. There is little variability across subjects, and our
observational process is simple.
With a psychoactive drug like marijuana, on the other hand, the variability across subjects is very
high, and the observation process itself may systematically bias what we observe, as will be detailed in
the next section. It may even turn out that different people might experience different states of
consciousness from using marijuana, that is, the observed patterns of experience and behavior fall into
several distinct patterns rather than a single pattern common to all individuals. We generally consider
alcohol intoxication, for example, as a single state, yet on a second thought there are clearly some
individuals who have very different experiences with alcohol from those the majority of us have. A drug
may thus stimulate a reorganization of functioning, but the nature of the new pattern may be determined
by factors other than the Cannabis
Hillbilly Dreams Cannabis nature of the drug per se.
Let us consider in detail the question of why a given individual, taking marijuana (or any other
psychoactive drug, for that matter) at a particular time and place, might experience the particular things
that he does.
VARIABILITY OF DRUG-INDUCED STATES
Our common experience with many drugs inclines us to think along the line that "Drug A has effects
X,n common patterning of functioning in all of these people, a common
pattern superimposed on their individual uniqueness, we may hypothesize something to explain this
common pattern. This hypothesized something might be a common personality trait, belief system,
physical attribute, or, in terms of our interest a common state of consciousness. Particularly, if we know
that all the observed individuals ingested marijuana just before we began observing them, we will be
tempted to say that the common pattern of functioning we observe is the result of their all being in a
state of marijuana intoxication.
Note, however, that it is the empirically observed common pattern of functioning1] that is the crucial
defining operation of the state of consciousness; the fact that they had all ingested marijuana serves
secondarily to specify something we think to be a cause of the hypothesized state of consciousness.
What, then, are the properties of this hypothesized state of consciousness, marijuana intoxication?
How do we discover these properties?
Clearly the way to answer this is to give marijuana to a number of people and observe what is
common in their experience and behavior. Unfortunately, the observation process is much more complex
and full of pitfalls than we would expect.
Much of our usual experience with the effects of drugs on consciousness misleads us into expecting
fairly simple relationships. If, for example, you give a strong dose of barbiturates or other sedatives to a
person, he almost always goes to sleep. Hence we describe the state of consciousness (or lack of it)
induced by barbiturates as a barbiturate-induced sleep. There is little variability across subjects, and our
observational process is simple.
With a psychoactive drug like marijuana, on the other hand, the variability across subjects is very
high, and the observation process itself may systematically bias what we observe, as will be detailed in
the next section. It may even turn out that different people might experience different states of
consciousness from using marijuana, that is, the observed patterns of experience and behavior fall into
several distinct patterns rather than a single pattern common to all individuals. We generally consider
alcohol intoxication, for example, as a single state, yet on a second thought there are clearly some
individuals who have very different experiences with alcohol from those the majority of us have. A drug
may thus stimulate a reorganization of functioning, but the nature of the new pattern may be determined
by factors other than the nature of the drug per se.
Let us consider in
smoking bongs detail the question of why a given individual, taking marijuana (or any other
psychoactive drug, for that matter) at a particular time and place, might experience the particular things
that he does.
VARIABILITY OF DRUG-INDUCED STATES
Our common experience with many drugs inclines us to think along the line that "Drug A has effects
X,n common patterning of functioning in all of these people, a common
pattern superimposed on their individual uniqueness, we may hypothesize something to explain this
common pattern.
This hypothesized something might be a common personality trait, belief system,
physical attribute, or, in terms of our interest a common state of consciousness. Particularly, if we know
that all the observed individuals ingested marijuana just before we began observing them, we will be
tempted to say that the common pattern of functioning we observe is the result of their all being in a
state of marijuana intoxication.
Note, however, that it is the empirically observed common pattern of Cultivation En Placard De Cannabis functioning1 that is the crucial
defining operation of the state of consciousness; the fact that they had all ingested marijuana serves
secondarily to specify something we think to be a cause of the hypothesized state of consciousness.
What, then, are the properties of this hypothesized state of consciousness, marijuana intoxication?
How do we discover these properties?
Clearly the way to answer this is to give marijuana to a number of people and observe what is
common in their experience and behavior. Unfortunately, the observation process is much more complex
and full of pitfalls than we would expect.
Much of our usual experience with the effects of drugs on consciousness misleads us into expecting
fairly simple relationships.
If, for example, you give a strong dose of barbiturates or other sedatives to a
person, he almost always goes to sleep.
Hence we describe the state of consciousness (or lack of it)
induced by barbiturates as a barbiturate-induced sleep. There is little variability across subjects, and our
observational process is simple.
With a psychoactive drug like marijuana, on the other hand, the variability across subjects is very
high, and the observation process itself may systematically bias what we observe, as will be detailed in
the next section. It may even turn out that different people might experience different states of
consciousness from using marijuana, that is, the observed patterns of experience and behavior fall into
several distinct patterns rather than a single pattern common to all individuals. We generally consider
alcohol intoxication, for example, as a single state, yet on a second thought there are clearly some
individuals who have very different experiences with alcohol from those the majority of us have. A drug
may thus stimulate a reorganization of functioning, but the nature of the new pattern may be determined
by factors other than the nature of the drug per se.
Let us consider in detail the question of why a given individual, taking marijuana (or any other
psychoactive drug, for that matter) at a particular time and place, might experience the particular things
that he does.
VARIABILITY OF DRUG-INDUCED STATES
Our common experience with many drugs inclines us to think along the line that "Drug A has effects
X,n common patterning of functioning in all of these people, a common
pattern superimposed on their individual uniqueness, we may hypothesize something to explain this
common pattern. This hypothesized something might be a common personality trait, belief system,
physical attribute, or, in terms of our interest a common state of consciousness. Particularly, if we know
that all the observed individuals ingested marijuana just before we began observing them, we will be
tempted to say that the common pattern of functioning we observe is the result of their all being in a
state of marijuana intoxication.
Note, however, that it is the empirically observed common pattern of functioning1 that is the crucial
defining operation of the state of consciousness; the fact that they had all ingested marijuana serves
secondarily to specify something we think to be a cause of the hypothesized state of consciousness.
What, then, are the properties of this hypothesized state of consciousness, marijuana intoxication?
How do we discover these properties?
Clearly the way to answer this is to give marijuana to a number of people and observe what is
common in their experience and behavior.
Unfortunately, the observation process is much more complex
and full of pitfalls than we would expect.
Much of our usual experience with the effects of drugs on consciousness misleads us into expecting
fairly simple relationships.
If, for example, you give a strong dose of barbiturates or other sedatives to a
person, he almost always goes to sleep. Hence we describe the state of consciousness (or lack of it)
induced by barbiturates as a barbiturate-induced sleep. There is little variability across subjects, and our
observational process is simple.
With a psychoactive drug like marijuana, on the other hand, the variability across subjects is very
high, and the observation process itself may systematically bias what we observe, as will be detailed in
the next section. It may even turn out that different people might experience different states of
consciousness from using marijuana, that is, the observed patterns of experience and behavior fall into
several distinct patterns rather than a single pattern common to all individuals. We generally consider
alcohol intoxication, for example, as a single state, yet on a second thought there are clearly some
individuals who have very different experiences with alcohol from those the majority of us have. A drug
may thus stimulate a reorganization of functioning, but the nature of the new pattern may be determined
by factors other than the nature of the drug per se.
Let us consider in detail the question of why a given individual, taking marijuana (or any other
psychoactive drug, for that matter) at a particular time and place, might experience the particular things
that he does.
VARIABILITY OF DRUG-INDUCED STATES
Our common experience with many drugs inclines us to think along the line that "Drug A has effects
X,
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Todd, and Cannabis Strains S
crimes, as well as crimes on which there is public
support for their prohibition, the police would score a clear gain were marijuana use to be
relegalized.47]
The damages to an individual traceable to the effects of marijuana are minimal when
compared with the damages he sustains at the hands of the legal system.48] Marijuana
use and possession probably represents—next to numerous sex crimes without victims,
such as cunnilingus—the clearest case where the penalty is incommensurate with the
seriousness of the crime. In most cases, the user suffers no damage whatsoever from the
use of this weed. In the typical case, it is a harmless activity. Arguments will often be
made, particularly by the police, that, of course, in the typical case, marijuana use is
relatively innocuous, but that is only because of the relative innocuousness of currently
available marijuana. If the user were to get his hands on really potent cannabis—North
African hashish, for instance—some serious damage would manifest itself.49] Thus,
what is being done is to punish someone for something which is essentially harmless
because if he weren't punished, he might do something which is harmful. (Even assuming
that there are such great differences in harm to users due to the varying potency different
of cannabis preparations.) To my knowledge, this principle is not applied to any other area
of law.
Moreover, no solid case has been made for the prohibition. In 1937, not a scrap of
evidence existed for justifying the passage of the federal law. Today, over a generation
later, the fairest statement that could be made is that adequate systematic evidence
definitively testing the relative harm of this drug has simply not been gathered. And if a
deprivation of liberties is to be imposed, a conclusive case has to be made, as Justice
Goldberg declared in Griswold v. Connecticut The burden of proof is clearly on he who
would deprive liberties, not he who would exercise them.50]
It should be realized that although these "empirical" issues of public safety,
rehabilitation, and deterrence are useful for rhetorical purposes, they are not the most
powerful motives underlying the administration of the laws. The emotional and
"expressive" goals of symbolism and vengeance are far more important, in my opinion. To
someone who feels that marijuana use is evil, the laws are just no matter what their
practical result. They are an expression of a moral stance, and are beyond criticism on that
level. The question of "evil" is intrinsically unanswerable. Merely because crime is
widespread is no indication that the laws attempting to prevent it (and failing, in a sense,
to do so) are invalid and ought to be abolished. Over 10,000 murders occur in the United
States every year; should laws against murder be nullified? There are about a half-million
auto thefts yearly in this country, and over a million burglaries. Should laws outlawing
these activities be done away with
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properties of the drug, according to a study of scriptural texts published this month the.
healer with all his shitana [sorcery] powers.
There is his supay-masho [diabolic bat], whose penetrating waves produce in the
victim a sleepy and forgetful weakness so that he can barely defend himself. The
healer must raise luminous waves with very powerful colours that dazzle the
enemy's eyes, and he calls on his powers of the earth, jungle, water, and sky as a
defence.
These are from right to left the powers used by the healer: the mantona mama [a
large snake] of hypnotic magnetism; the supay-yangunturo gigantic diabolic
armadillo], able to burrow into the earth at great speed in order to re-emerge where
the enemy is; the sinchi-ahui powerful eyes] tiger, with a strong magnetism in its
eyes to immobilise his rival; the chicua, a bird that can determine the intentions of
the enemy; the allpa-raya [land ray] that stings and is also able to fly in pursuit of
the enemy; the ishkay-huahuasupay ishkay = two, huahua = child], with a tiger's
body and a creature's head, that confuses the enemy by making him hear weeping
from one place then another place until the enemy is surprised; the mocagua [pot]
that is actually a ship in which the healer flies around at great speeds; the black
tibes, able to dive, experts in water battles because they attack the eyes of the
sorcerer; the guacamayo-machaco, a snake with the breasts of a woman and human
arms, who throws poisoned daggers; and the sapo-machaco snake toad] who bites
like a snake, very quickly, and has a deadly poison.
At top right is the queen Nefina, who has the power to fly with her hair of fire. She
has a magnetising mirror with luminous waves that upon hitting the enemy negate
his magic powers. She is accompanied by aggressive flying snakes and horses
neighing battle. Here also are her ladies Lebina and Magg, armed with powerful
fans and long hair that emanates mystical powers, which they use like nets to catch
enemies.
The healer blows with the power given to him by the ayahuasca. From his
powerful tingunas come darts against the supay-masho. The sorcerer is accompa
nied by the huaira-umas huaira = air, uma = head, the word meaning "forgetful
mind"], snakes that cast a spell that drives the victim crazy, making him forget how
to defend himself There are also the ayanahais [eyes of the dead], fireflies that
move in flocks and which the sorcerer uses as cigarettes.
Further up are the huasi-ukullucos wasi = house, ukulluku = lizard], who hide in
the bathroom and very quickly get into a person's anus when he defecates, bringing
about his death.
In the middle we see the puka-cunga-shitanero [sorcerer bird with a red neck]
who can sting sharply the top of the healer's head to extract the powers he posesses.
By its side are the aya-pelejos sloth of the dead] who turn into immense giants
who wound with their sharp claws and bite like snakes. Then there are the huairahuacas
[bulls of the wind] who roar like thunder, confusing their victims, and the
chusco-rikhealer with all his shitana sorcery] powers.
There is his supay-masho diabolic bat], whose penetrating Kc Brains waves produce in the
victim a sleepy and forgetful weakness so that he can barely defend himself.
The
healer must raise luminous waves with very powerful colours that dazzle the
enemy's eyes, and he calls on his powers of the earth, jungle, water, and sky as a
defence.
These are from right to left the powers used by the healer: the mantona mama a
large snake] of hypnotic magnetism; the supay-yangunturo gigantic diabolic
armadillo], able to burrow into the earth at great speed in order to re-emerge where
the enemy is; the sinchi-ahui powerful eyes] tiger, with a strong magnetism in its
eyes to immobilise his rival; the chicua, a bird that can determine the intentions of
the enemy; the allpa-raya land ray] that stings and is also able to fly in pursuit of
the enemy; the ishkay-huahuasupay ishkay = two, huahua = child], with a tiger's
body and a creature's head, that confuses the enemy by making him hear weeping
from one place then another place until the enemy is surprised; the mocagua pot]
that is actually a ship in which the healer flies around at great speeds; the black
tibes, able to dive, experts in water battles because they attack the eyes of the
sorcerer; the guacamayo-machaco, a snake with the breasts of a woman and human
arms, who throws poisoned daggers; and the sapo-machaco snake toad] who bites
like a snake, very quickly, and has a deadly poison.
At top right is the queen Nefina, who has the power to fly with her hair of fire. She
has a magnetising mirror with luminous waves that upon hitting the enemy negate
his magic powers. She is accompanied by aggressive flying snakes and horses
neighing battle. Here also are her ladies Lebina and Magg, armed with powerful
fans and long hair that emanates mystical powers, which they use like nets to catch
enemies.
The healer blows with the power given to him by the ayahuasca.
From his
powerful tingunas come darts against the supay-masho. The sorcerer is accompa
nied by the huaira-umas huaira = air, uma = head, the word meaning "forgetful
mind"], snakes that cast a spell that drives the victim crazy, making him forget how
to defend himself There are also the ayanahais eyes of the dead], fireflies that
move in flocks and which the sorcerer uses as cigarettes.
Further up are the huasi-ukullucos wasi = house, ukulluku = lizard], who hide in
the bathroom and very quickly get into a person's anus when he defecates, bringing
about his death.
In the middle we see the puka-cunga-shitanero sorcerer bird with a red neck]
who can sting sharply the top of the healer's head to extract the powers he posesses.
By its side are the aya-pelejos sloth of the dead] who turn into immense giants
who wound with their sharp claws and bite like snakes.
Then there are the huairahuacas
bulls of the wind] who roar like thunder, confusing their victims, and the
chusco-rikhealer with all his shitana sorcery powers.
There is his supay-masho diabolic bat, whose penetrating waves produce in the
victim a sleepy and forgetful weakness so that he can barely defend himself. The
healer must raise luminous waves with very powerful colours that dazzle the
enemy's eyes, and he calls on his powers of the earth, jungle, water, and sky as a
defence.
These are from right to left the powers used by the healer: the mantona mama [a
large snake of hypnotic magnetism; the supay-yangunturo [gigantic diabolic
armadillo, able to burrow into the earth at great speed in order to re-emerge where
the enemy is; the sinchi-ahui powerful eyes tiger, with a strong magnetism in its
eyes to immobilise his rival; the chicua, a bird that can determine the intentions of
the enemy; the allpa-raya land ray that stings and is also able to fly in pursuit of
the enemy; the ishkay-huahuasupay [ishkay = two, huahua = child, with a tiger's
body and a creature's head, that confuses the enemy by making him hear weeping
from one place then another place until the enemy is surprised; the mocagua pot
that is actually a ship in which the healer flies around at great speeds; the black
tibes, able to dive, experts in water battles because they attack the eyes of the
sorcerer; the guacamayo-machaco, a snake with the breasts of a woman and human
arms, who throws poisoned daggers; and the sapo-machaco snake toad who bites
like a snake, very quickly, and has a deadly poison.
At top right is the queen Nefina, who has the power to fly with her hair of fire. She
has a magnetising mirror with luminous waves that upon hitting the enemy negate
his magic powers.
She is accompanied by aggressive flying snakes and horses
neighing battle. Here also are her ladies Lebina and Magg, armed with powerful
fans and long hair that emanates mystical powers, which they use like nets to catch
enemies.
The healer blows with the power given to him by the ayahuasca. From his
powerful tingunas come darts against the supay-masho. The sorcerer is accompa
nied by the huaira-umas huaira = air, uma = head, the word meaning "forgetful
mind", snakes that cast a spell that drives the victim crazy, making him forget how
to defend himself There are also the ayanahais [eyes of the dead, fireflies that
move in flocks and which the sorcerer uses as cigarettes.
Further up are the huasi-ukullucos wasi = house, ukulluku = lizard, who hide in
the bathroom and very quickly get into a person's anus when he defecates, bringing
about his death.
In the middle we see the puka-cunga-shitanero [sorcerer bird with a red neck
who can sting sharply the top of the healer's head to extract the powers he posesses.
By its side are the aya-pelejos [sloth of the dead who turn into immense giants
who wound with their sharp claws and bite like snakes. Then there are the huairahuacas
bulls of the wind who roar like thunder, confusing their victims, and the
chusco-rikhealer with all his shitana sorcery powers.
There is his supay-masho diabolic bat, whose penetrating waves produce in the
victim a sleepy and forgetful weakness so that he can barely defend himself. The
healer must raise luminous waves with very powerful colours that dazzle the
enemy's eyes, and he calls on his powers of the earth, jungle, water, and sky as a
defence.
These are from right to left the powers used by the healer: the mantona mama a
large snake of hypnotic magnetism; the supay-yangunturo gigantic diabolic
armadillo, able to burrow into the earth at great speed in order to re-emerge where
the enemy is; the sinchi-ahui powerful eyes tiger, with a strong magnetism in its
eyes to immobilise his rival; the chicua, a bird that can determine the intentions of
the enemy; the allpa-raya land ray that stings and is also able to fly in pursuit of
the enemy; the ishkay-huahuasupay ishkay = two, huahua = child, with a tiger's
body and a creature's head, that confuses the enemy by making him hear weeping
from one place then another place until the enemy is surprised; the mocagua pot
that is actually a ship in which the healer flies around at great speeds; the black
tibes, able to dive, experts in water battles because they attack the eyes of the
sorcerer; the guacamayo-machaco, a snake with the breasts of a woman and human
arms, who throws poisoned daggers; and the sapo-machaco snake toad who bites
like a snake, very quickly, and has a deadly poison.
At top right is the queen Nefina, who has the power to fly with her hair of fire. She
has a magnetising mirror with luminous waves that upon hitting the enemy negate
his magic powers. She is accompanied by aggressive flying snakes and horses
neighing battle. Here also are her ladies Lebina and Magg, armed with powerful
fans and long hair that emanates mystical powers, which they use like nets to catch
enemies.
The healer blows with the power given to him by the ayahuasca.
From his
powerful tingunas come darts against the supay-masho. The sorcerer is accompa
nied by the huaira-umas huaira = air, uma = head, the word meaning "forgetful
mind", snakes that cast a spell that drives the victim crazy, making him forget how
to defend himself There are also the ayanahais eyes of the dead, fireflies that
move in flocks and which the sorcerer uses as cigarettes.
Further up are the huasi-ukullucos wasi = house, ukulluku = lizard, who hide in
the bathroom and very quickly get into a person's anus when he defecates, bringing
about his death.
In the middle we see the puka-cunga-shitanero sorcerer bird with a red neck
who can sting sharply the top of the healer's head to extract the powers he posesses.
By its side are the aya-pelejos sloth of the dead who turn into immense giants
who wound with their sharp claws and bite like snakes. Then there are the huairahuacas
bulls of the wind who roar like thunder, confusing their victims, and the
chusco-rik
e the best perfumes and medicines.
She also has a very beautiful icaro.
3. Gabat, the master of clairvoyance and telepathic sound.
4. Manchahuarmi, a great warrior, always successful in battle. She gives the
virote huan magic dart].
5. Allimipaica’ a compassionate queen who teaches how to cure with perfume
and balsamic ointments
6. Callpaican-Kapak (the one that flies with her coat). She travels the world,
because she walks very fast, being therefore able to hunt her enemies.
All these queens possess esoteric knowledge and work here with the vegetalistas
who have turned themselves into wolves. The queens are seated on splendid chairs
placed on embroidered mats. In the centre of the picture are some of the plants used
as defence against evil sorcerers. These are the pin6n colorado Jatropha
gossypifolia] or pin6n negro. In order to use this plant effectively, one must use
those leaves that have five tips, like a human hand. Another plant is the yuca verde
green manioc] which is used in ritual baths. Achiote Bixa orellana] is used to cure
mal aire, an illness caused by a dead person or supay. Patiquina Dieffenbachia
sp.] is used to kill sorcerers. Sacha-ajos Mansoa alliacea] is used as a disinfectant
against plagues as well as evil spirits. The leaves of this plant are burned in the
evening. Cam uri is a kind of small fruit of orange color which the vegetalistas
keep in their chests, in the way they keep the mann. This is used both for healing
and causing harm, depending on the intentions of the vegetalista.
VISION 46
SEPULTURA TONDURI
This vision is called sepultura tonduri Spanish sepultura = grave, funeral], which
is a very sad and frightening icaro, sung by a sorcerer to kill a person or his enemy.
We see here three vegetalistas who gathered to take the purge. The man on the
extreme left, dressed in clothing with steel scales, is a sorcerer who never heals,
only kills. That is why the fire coming out of his head is very hot and his aura is
red, as if it were dyed with blood. Around his arm he carries a nacanaca snake
Micrurus sp.], and all his knowledge can be seen in the yellow- and violetcoloured
figures on his head.The other man, dressed in green, is a witch and a
sorcerer. He is a witch because he casts his spells so as to imprison a person and do
with him as he pleases. He is a sorcerer because he casts a spell to kill the person he
chooses.The one dressed in light blue is a perfect master who only heals. His aura is
light blue and he shows his knowledge with the light blue and white colours. He
carries the virote huani, which consists of glass arrows and a cumaceba Swartzia
sp.] bow for use in difficult situations. But if he uses this weapon, he then becomes
a criminal.
Of the strange beings that appear on the extreme left, the one on the top belongs
to the green man, and the other two lower down belong to the witch and the red
sorcerer. Two soldiers take from his bed the soul of a muraya,
Cannabis Photo Salemink, R
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picture of bongs @ 7/30/2010 8:54:46 AM