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She also has a very beautiful icaro.
3. Gabat, the master of clairvoyance and telepathic sound.
4. Manchahuarmi, a great warrior, always successful in battle. She gives the
virote huan magic dart].
5. Allimipaica’ a compassionate queen who teaches how to cure with perfume
and balsamic ointments
6. Callpaican-Kapak (the one that flies with her coat). She travels the world,
because she walks very fast, being therefore able to hunt her enemies.
All these queens possess esoteric knowledge and work here with the vegetalistas
who have turned themselves into wolves. The queens are seated on splendid chairs
placed on embroidered mats. In the centre of the picture are some of the plants used
as defence against evil sorcerers. These are the pin6n colorado Jatropha
gossypifolia] or pin6n negro. In order to use this plant effectively, one must use
those leaves that have five tips, like a human hand. Another plant is the yuca verde
green manioc] which is used in ritual baths. Achiote Bixa orellana] is used to cure
mal aire, an illness caused by a dead person or supay. Patiquina Dieffenbachia
sp.] is used to kill sorcerers. Sacha-ajos Mansoa alliacea] is used as a disinfectant
against plagues as well as evil spirits. The leaves of this plant are burned in the
evening. Cam uri is a kind of small fruit of orange color which the vegetalistas
keep in their chests, in the way they keep the mann. This is used both for healing
and causing harm, depending on the intentions of the vegetalista.
VISION 46
SEPULTURA TONDURI
This vision is called sepultura tonduri Spanish sepultura = grave, funeral], which
is a very sad and frightening icaro, sung by a sorcerer to kill a person or his enemy.
We see here three vegetalistas who gathered to take the purge. The man on the
extreme left, dressed in clothing with steel scales, is a sorcerer who never heals,
only kills. That is why the fire coming out of his head is very hot and his aura is
red, as if it were dyed with blood. Around his arm he carries a nacanaca snake
Micrurus sp.], and all his knowledge can be seen in the yellow- and violetcoloured
figures on his head.The other man, dressed in green, is a witch and a
sorcerer. He is a witch because he casts his spells so as to imprison a person and do
with him as he pleases. He is a sorcerer because he casts a spell to kill the person he
chooses.The one dressed in light blue is a perfect master who only heals. His aura is
light blue and he shows his knowledge with the light blue and white colours. He
carries the virote huani, which consists of glass arrows and a cumaceba Swartzia
sp.] bow for use in difficult situations. But if he uses this weapon, he then becomes
a criminal.
Of the strange beings that appear on the extreme left, the one on the top belongs
to the green man, and the other two lower down belong to the witch and the red
sorcerer. Two soldiers take from his bed the soul of a muraya,
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drink liquor,
beer, and wine, on those very occasions in which the drinker also drinks them; drinking
alcohol and smoking pot are not disjunctive and mutually exclusive activities. The very
people who use one often use the other as well on those occasions when it may seem more
appropriate. In fact, marijuana smokers are more likely to drink alcoholic beverages than
nonsmokers are.* It is entirely possible that the legalization and widespread availability of
marijuana will not necessarily result in a greater number of total events in which people
wish to become intoxicated simply because users will continue to use pot selectively as
they presently do. They become high when they feel that the occasion calls for it and use
the same (potentially intoxicating) substances that the rest of society does, in moderation,
when they feel that the occasion calls for that as well. However, it is an empirical question
which can not be answered beforehand as to whether those specific occasions where
alcohol is now consumed without intoxication will eventually call for marijuana use. I
suspect that potsmokers will continue to follow the same sorts of patterns in liquor
consumption that their nonsmoking peers do, drinking their beer, wine, and sherry as a
pleasant companion to other pleasant activities. The appropriateness of one's agent of
choice is defined by the social group that uses it, and many occasions do not call for
getting high.
But what of the other side? What social costs do we have to consider when examining
the damages the present policy is causing? To begin with an issue most Americans assume
that they are hard-headed and pragmatic about—money and resources—we would have to
admit that the present policies are extremely costly. The deployment of huge numbers of
law enforcement officers in the effort to stop pot use and sales necessarily takes resources
away from heroin and amphetamine traffic.
In this sense, the present laws encourage the
use of truly dangerous drugs. And the court costs of processing a single marijuana case
can be, and often are, staggering, and the number of cases handled every year in this
country are beginning to run over l00,000. How many millions of dollars do we feel is
worth spending? In addition, the laws contribute to a great deal of resentment on both
(24 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
sides. The police realize that they are enforcing a law without ideological support from
large segments of the public. The murderer never questions the right of the police to arrest
him; the marijuana user questions the legitimacy of the law, and thus, the police and the
entire legal process. By multiplying the areas in which the police are expected to enforce
the law, a variety of paranoia develops among the police—in Jerome Skolnick's terms,46]
they begin to see "symbolic assailants" in the populace. In the sense that they would be
able to concentrate on truly dangerous drink liquor,
beer, and wine, on those very occasions in which the drinker also drinks them; drinking
alcohol and smoking pot are not disjunctive and mutually exclusive activities.
The very
people who use one often use the other as well on those occasions when it may seem more
appropriate. In fact, marijuana smokers are more likely to drink alcoholic beverages than
nonsmokers are.* It is entirely possible that the legalization and widespread availability of
marijuana will not necessarily result in a greater number of total events in which people
wish to become intoxicated simply because users will continue to use pot selectively as
they presently do. They become high when they feel that the occasion calls for it and use
the same (potentially intoxicating) substances that the rest of society does, in moderation,
when they feel that the occasion calls for that as well. However, it is an empirical question
which can not be answered beforehand as to whether those specific occasions where
alcohol is now consumed without intoxication will eventually call for marijuana use. I
suspect that potsmokers will continue to follow the same sorts of patterns in liquor
consumption that their nonsmoking peers do, drinking their beer, wine, and sherry as a
pleasant companion to other pleasant activities. The appropriateness of one's agent of
choice is defined by the social group that uses it, and many occasions do not call for
getting high.
But what of the other side? What social costs do we have to consider when examining
the damages the present policy is causing? To begin with an issue most Americans assume
that they are hard-headed and pragmatic about—money and resources—we would have to
admit that the present policies are extremely costly. The deployment of huge numbers of
law enforcement officers in the effort to stop pot use and sales necessarily takes resources
away from heroin and amphetamine traffic.
In this sense, the present laws encourage the
use of truly dangerous drugs. And the court costs of processing a single marijuana case
can be, and often are, staggering, and the number of cases handled every year in this
country are beginning to run over l00,000. How many millions of dollars do we feel is
worth spending? In addition, the laws contribute to a great deal of resentment on both
(24 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
sides. The police realize that they are enforcing a law without ideological support from
large segments of the public. The murderer never questions the right of the police to arrest
him; the marijuana user questions the legitimacy of the law, and thus, the police and the
entire legal process. By multiplying the areas in which the police are expected to enforce
the law, a variety of paranoia develops among the police—in Jerome Skolnick's terms,46]
they begin to see "symbolic assailants" in the populace. In the sense that they would be
able to concentrate on truly dangerous drink liquor,
beer, and wine, on those very occasions in which the drinker also drinks them; drinking
alcohol and smoking pot are not disjunctive and mutually exclusive activities. The very
people who use one often use the other as well on those occasions when it may seem more
appropriate. In fact, marijuana smokers are more likely to drink alcoholic beverages than
nonsmokers are.* It is entirely possible that the legalization and widespread availability of
marijuana will not necessarily result in a greater number of total events in which people
wish to become intoxicated simply because users will continue to use pot selectively as
they presently do. They become high when they feel that the occasion calls for it and use
the same (potentially intoxicating) substances that the rest of society does, in moderation,
when they feel that the occasion calls for that as well. However, it is an empirical question
which can not be answered beforehand as to whether those specific occasions where
alcohol is now consumed without intoxication will eventually call for marijuana use. I
suspect that potsmokers will continue to follow the same sorts of patterns in liquor
consumption that their nonsmoking peers do, drinking their beer, wine, and sherry as a
pleasant companion to other pleasant activities. The appropriateness of one's agent of
choice is defined by the social group that uses it, and many occasions do not call for
getting high.
But what of the other side? What social costs do we have to consider when examining
the damages the present policy is causing? To begin with an issue most Americans assume
that they are hard-headed and pragmatic about—money and resources—we would have to
admit that the present policies are extremely costly. The deployment of huge numbers of
law enforcement officers in the effort to stop pot use and sales necessarily takes resources
away from heroin and amphetamine traffic. In this sense, the present laws encourage the
use of truly dangerous drugs. And the court costs of processing a single marijuana case
can be, and often are, staggering, and the number of cases handled every year in this
country are beginning to run over l00,000. How many millions of dollars do we feel is
worth spending? In addition, the laws contribute to a great deal of resentment on both
(24 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
sides. The police realize that they are enforcing a law without ideological support from
large segments of the public. The murderer never questions the right of the police to arrest
him; the marijuana user questions the legitimacy of the law, and thus, the police and the
entire legal process. By multiplying the areas in which the police are expected to enforce
the law, a variety of paranoia develops among the police—in Jerome Skolnick's terms,46
they begin to see "symbolic assailants" in the populace. In the sense that they would be
able to concentrate on truly dangerous drink liquor,
beer, and wine, on those very occasions in which the drinker also drinks them; drinking
alcohol and smoking pot are not disjunctive and mutually exclusive activities. The very
people who use one often use the other as well on those occasions when it may seem more
appropriate. In fact, marijuana smokers are more likely to drink alcoholic beverages than
nonsmokers are.* It is entirely possible that the legalization and widespread availability of
marijuana will not necessarily result in a greater number of total events in which people
wish to become intoxicated simply because users will continue to use pot selectively as
they presently do. They become high when they feel that the occasion calls for it and use
the same (potentially intoxicating) substances that the rest of society does, in moderation,
when they feel that the occasion calls for that as well. However, it is an empirical question
which can not be answered beforehand as to whether those specific occasions where
alcohol is now consumed without intoxication will eventually call for marijuana use. I
suspect that potsmokers will continue to follow the same sorts of patterns in liquor
consumption that their nonsmoking peers do, drinking their beer, wine, and sherry as a
pleasant companion to other pleasant activities. The appropriateness of one's agent of
choice is defined by the social group that uses it, and many occasions do not call for
getting high.
But what of the other side? What social costs do we have to consider when examining
the damages the present policy is causing? To begin with an issue most Americans assume
that they are hard-headed and pragmatic about—money and resources—we would have to
admit that the present policies are extremely costly. The deployment of huge numbers of
law enforcement officers in the effort to stop pot use and sales necessarily takes resources
away from heroin and amphetamine traffic. In this sense, the present laws encourage the
use of truly dangerous drugs. And the court costs of processing a single marijuana case
can be, and often are, staggering, and the number of cases handled every year in this
country are beginning to run over l00,000. How many millions of dollars do we feel is
worth Spice Of Life spending? In addition, the laws contribute to a great deal of resentment on both
(24 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
sides. The police realize that they are enforcing a law without ideological support from
large segments of the public. The murderer never questions the right of the police to arrest
him; the marijuana user questions the legitimacy of the law, and thus, the police and the
entire legal process. By multiplying the areas in which the police are expected to enforce
the law, a variety of paranoia develops among the police—in Jerome Skolnick's terms,46
they begin to see "symbolic assailants" in the populace.
In the sense that they would be
able to concentrate on truly dangerous
as well as to an
entire tradition in marijuana commentary. Yet such a conclusion is difficult to avoid. The
marijuana user appears to be more active socially than the nonuser. He has more friends
and socializes more. He is engaged in a larger number and a greater variety of activities
than the nonuser—aesthetic appreciation and creation, political activism, and social
welfare, for instance. (Of course, some other human endeavors, such as traditional and
formal religious participation, are less often the object of marijuana users' interests.)
The zero-sum notion assumes that the two realms, the straight and the stoned, are
antagonistic and incompatible, enjoyed by a wholly different and distinct personnel. In
reality, most potsmokers do not rob their straight life to pay their stoned existence. More
commonly, the two enrich each other. Thus, any model based on the assumption that by
using marijuana those activities which society values will typically or necessarily
deteriorate in the lives of users has to be faulty. In the average user, no such process takes
place. (It will, of course, be a relatively simple matter to uncover exceptions.) The average
marijuana smoker utilizes his drug of choice as an adjunct and an enhancer of many of the
activities that the ordinary law-abiding citizen participates in.
The dire predictions of what happens when someone takes to the weed do not seem to
happen. It is said that although marijuana is not technically addicting, it does generate a
kind of psychological addiction (thus, the stoned model), and that once legal restrictions
are relaxed, huge numbers of persons will be stupefied most of their waking hours. When
we look at the facts, this argument evaporates. Most marijuana users smoke the weed
occasionally. The truly committed "head," the smoker who is high the whole day, day in
and day out, is a relative rarity, perhaps comprising 1 or 2 percent of everyone who has
ever smoked marijuana. And yet it is from this rarefied upper reaches of the world of
potsmoking that society's model of marijuana use is borrowed.
We will, of course, be able to locate specific individuals who are, in fact, high a great
proportion of their waking hours. But the difference between marijuana and any of the
physiologically addicting drugs—including alcohol—in this respect is so great as to be a
(6 of 9)4/15/2004 1:08:52 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 12
difference of kind, and not simply a matter of degree. It is only because the medical
profession views marijuana use by definition pathological and abnormal ("abuse" is
defined as taking a drug outside a medical context) that any use of marijuana has to be
viewed, medically, as a kind of habituation, or psychological addiction. Something
anomalous, puzzling, and disturbing must be labeled pathological. But in less moralistic
terms—and it is only on moral grounds that the medical label makes any sense at all—it is
necessary to face the fact th
222
cool bongs The Total Synthesis
Cannabis Seeds Scrog of Cannabinoids
A
a is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility. Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced. (Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications. By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory. For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state. The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
17] As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs. Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18] as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world. However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but How To Grow Kush Wasserpfeifentabak 400Gr it produces a
"psychological dependence."[19]
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device. It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy. The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; its use is baldly political. Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influea is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility. Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced. (Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications. By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory.
For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state. The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
17] As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs. Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18] as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world. However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but it produces a
"psychological dependence."19]
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device. It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy. The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; its use is baldly political. Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influea is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility. Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced.
(Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as Citral a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications. By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory. For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.
)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state.
The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
[17 As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs.
Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18 as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world. However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but it produces a
"psychological dependence."19
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device. It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy. The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; Sensi Seed its use is baldly political. Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influea is not damaging at all, it would be necessary to produce evidence that all cases
of marijuana use did not result in damage—all individuals at all times—an obvious
impossibility.
Whereas to show that it is damaging in any degree, only a few scattered
cases need be produced. (Even assuming that the "damage" can be traced to the marijuana,
a question which is, itself, problematic.
) Consequently, there is no conceivable evidence
which can be presented to someone with a strong antimarijuana position which he will
accept as a demonstration of the drug's comparative harmlessness.
(8 of 16)4/15/2004 1:03:47 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 3
Strategies of Discreditation
Labeling has political implications. By devising a linguistic category with specific
connotations, one is designing armaments for a battle; by having it accepted and used, one
has scored a major victory. For instance, the term "psychedelic" has a clear prodrug bias:
it says that the mind works best when under the influence of this type of drug. (Moreover,
one of the psychedelic drug proselytizers, in search of a term which would describe the
impact of these drugs, rejected "psychodelic" as having negative overtones of psychosis.)
The term "hallucinogen" is equally biased since an hallucination is, in our civilization at
least, unreal, illusory, and therefore undesirable; the same holds for the term
"psychotomimetic," capable of producing a madness-like state. The semantics and
linguistics of the drug issue form an essential component of the ideological skirmishes.
17 As an example of how labeling influences one's posture toward a phenomenon, note
that the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs has jurisdiction over "addicting" drugs,
which supposedly includes marijuana, while the Food and Drug Administration handles
"habit-forming" drugs. Because of this jurisdictional division, the Bureau is forced into the
absurd position of having to classify marijuana as an addicting drug, and to support this
contention, it supplies drug categorizations that follow jurisdictional lines,18 as if they
had some sort of correspondence in the real world. However, the Bureau seems not to take
its own classifications seriously, since whenever the issue is discussed by its members, it
is emphasized that marijuana is not addicting in the classical sense, but it produces a
"psychological dependence.
"19
"Drug abuse" is such a linguistic device.
It is often used by physicians and by those in
medically related fields. Encountering the use of the term, one has the impression that
something quite measurable is being referred to, something very much like a disease, an
undesirable condition which is in need of remedy. The term, thus, simultaneously serves
two functions: it claims clinical objectivity and it discredits the action that it categorizes.
In fact, there is no such objectivity in the term; its use is baldly political.
Drug abuse is the
use of a drug that influe
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“This strain may be the "Holy Grail". The result of painstakingly backcrossing a VERY RARE female to her male
progeny over 3 generations. This hybrid was specifically bred for indoor cultivation. Short statured & heavily
branched, this plant grows LONG, dense colas with an EXTREMELY high flower/leaf ratio and OUTRAGEOUS resin
production. The breeder has observed a "giant leap" in potency with each progressive generation and, as
expected, Cinderella 99 has topped all previous results - her high is heavily influenced by Haze; clear, energetic
& devastatingly psychoactive. A plant with all of the above is rare enough, but Cinderella 99 finishes flowering
after a scant 50 days of 12/12! Above-average yields of crystal covered buds reeking of tropical fruit aromas can
be harvested every other month once a mother plant is selected and asexually propagated. One final accolade -
preliminary results from the breeder indicate Cinderella 99 will breed true..." -Brothers Grimm seedbank
Seedsnl Wwwsensi
Terlouw, W , 19,719 (1976)
cause and effect.
Generally, selling must be considered as part of the syndrome of use. It is not simply
that the user must purchase his drug Sensi Seed Bank supply from the seller to consume the drug (this
symbiotic relationship exists with heroin as well), but that the user and the seller are
largely indistinguishable; there is no clear-cut boundary between them. A large percentage
of users sell, and nearly all sellers use. In fact, the determining force behind selling is use:
heavy users are very likely to sell, while infrequent users are unlikely to do so. The fact
that a given individual sells—whether it be done once, occasionally, or frequently,
specifically for a profit—is determined mainly by his involvement in the drug, in its
subculture, with others who smoke. Selling marijuana, then, to some degree presupposes
involvement with the marijuana subculture which, in turn, implies at least a moderate
degree of use. Selling and using involve parallel activities and associations; the seller and
the user inhabit the same social universe.
The difference between them is simply a matter
of degree, since selling is a surer indicator of one's involvement with the drug subculture
(10 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 10
than is buying or, even more so, using. To think of the dealer as preying on his hapless
victim, the marijuana smoker, as profiting on his misery, is to possess a ludicrously
incorrect view of the state of affairs.
It is necessary, therefore, to abandon the conspiratorial view of the relationship between
the marijuana user and the seller—a primitive model borrowed from the world of
addiction. Rather, selling must be looked at as an index of involvement with the marijuana
subculture.
At the peripheries of the marijuana scene, we find the experimenter, the
extremely infrequent user, the dabbler, the once, twice, or dozen-time user. He has few
marijuana-smoking friends, is rarely presented with opportunities for use, is curious about
its effects, and usually discontinues its use after his curiosity is satisfied. It is possible that
he is the most frequent representative of the total universe of all individuals who have ever
used the drug; if not, at any rate, he forms a sizable minority of all users.
At the lowest levels of use, the smoker does not even buy marijuana; close to threequarters
of our less than monthly smokers (71 percent) said that they never bought the
drug. He is dependent on friends who are involved with marijuana to offer him the drug
when he visits. In fact, when the drug is extended, it is not thought of as one person giving
another a material object.
Generally, a joint is passed around to all present in a kind of
communal fellowship. Hence, giving marijuana away, in this specific sense, is more
common than selling. In volume, of course, marijuana is far more often sold than given
away. But more individuals have given marijuana away than have sold, since nearly every
smoke
“Cinderella 99 will be available from Brothers Grimm in January (’99). This is the "cubed" generation resulting
from backcrossing Princess 3 times with her successive male offspring. Expect a true-breeding strain with the
same short flowering period, tropical fruit flavour, and soaring cerebral high. “ - MrSoul Using a whole room at this point you turn off the fan blowing air in but you leave the door open a little. You never cut off ventilation completely because mold is a threat right up until the end. The leaves should start to get a little crisp after a week or two. If it happens sooner you may be using too much ventilation and should cut back. Along about this time you should notice a very nice smell.
, 20,1508 (1977)
"AFOAF grew some (Apollo) recently and got an indica phenotype that finished around 50 days, and a Durban
phenotype that took 60 days.
The indica phenotype is very resinous, clear high. Not racy nor paranoid. Dense buds, low odor.
The Durban phenotype has a stronger high than pure Durban, very clear, very racy, even paranoid. Buds very
fluffy, and they flop over from their own weight. Definitely a creeper phenotype in the gene pool (Durban).
The mom of A-11 is Genius, an F2 of Jack Herer crossed to an unknown male (likely a Durban imho). The dad
of A-11 is Cinderella.
Genius expresses the NL and Skunk side of the gene pool. Cindy expresses the Durban and haze side.
imho, for the A-11 to have 2 phenotypes in the F1, one of which is fluffy, sweet, and floppy like Durban, means
that the Durban gene is in both Apollo and Cindy." - Zorro Plotnikoff, P “Developed in Seattle, perfected in Holland, Northern Lights has become the “State of the Art” indoor plant. A
must!
“Northern Lights #1 = Described as a true breeding strain (Stable) of Afghani origins.
Northern Lights #135A = Available commercially for just a short while (87-88) from the original Seed Bank.
Described as "a fast finishing hybrid of Northern lights and an Afghani". This sounds a lot like the forerunner of
Slyder/Chronic.”
Clone flowered under a 400watt, 42watts/sq.ft. Grown organically in a soilless medium, 1:1:1 ratio of GOOD
potting mix, perlite, & worm castings. Finished about 16"-18" tall. Nice high flower to leaf ratio, manicuring would
be a breeze if it didn't have so much resin globbed all over it. Nugs were dense for a 400watt, but not tight like
they are under the big lights. I flowered for 53 Fantaseeds Categories Fantaseeds Categories Seeds Categories Fantaseeds days, last 24 hours no light. I alternated Big Bloom & Hi-P fishes
(Neptune’s Harvest) for food. Total yield about 15gm of very frosty & very potent well manicured buds. Good
flavor, but a STRONG smoke.
Very "up" high. I can get a lot done instead of just vegging.
By far the best I've
grown.
No shit.
” – Bill Clinton
Anker and A e to say that the user who possesses only an ounce is
almost certainly not a large-scale dealer.
There is the argument that the penalties for marijuana possession (and use) should be
reduced, but not for selling. This distinction violates empirical reality; it implies the
existence of two relatively separated social and moral spheres that articulate on a
superficial basis—profit. If the seller is guilty, the user is, too, because the user is the
seller, and the seller the user. The technical exchange of contraband goods for money
takes place at every conceivable level and by nearly everyone above the minimally
involved. Labeling all selling heinous and use only moderately reprehensible, is to display
ignorance of how the market works. The present law, as well as the moderate reforms
currently being proposed, puts use in one legal, logical category, and all levels of selling
in another. We find use and most selling transactions to be logically and socially
indistinguishable while high level, high volume, and high profit selling transactions exist
in a disjunctive social and moral universe. If we believed in "natural" social categories, the
present confusion would represent as great an intellectual blunder as classifying whales as
fish and bats as a species of bird.
* These prices were current before the Mexican border blockade and increased
vigilance of 1969 and 1970. At the present time (February 1970), prices are about one and
a third to one and a half more than what they were a year earlier, even assuming the
availability of marijuana, which is often problematic. (back)
N O T E S
1. It is interesting that the most vigorous of the antimarijuana propagandists of the
1930s, Harry Anslinger, denied that marijuana was sold by professional gangsters in 1937:
"... the control and sale of marijuana has not yet passed into the hands of the big gangster
syndicates. The supply is so vast, and grows in so many places, that gangsters perhaps
have found it difficult to dominate the source.... gangdom has been hampered in its efforts
to corner the profits of what has now become an enormous business." See Harry J.
Anslinger, with Courtney Ryley Cooper, "Marijuana—Assassin of Youth," American
Magazine 124 (July 18, 1937): 152-153. (back)
2. The clearest recent statement of this position may be found in Will Oursler,
Marijuana: The Facts, the Truth (New York: Paul S. Eriksson, 1968), pp. 113-120.
Oursler seems to think these college student distributors are gangland fronts, and are
called "beavers" in the underworld. (back)
3. The New York Times, September 27, 1968. (back)
4. Ibid., October 6, 1968. (back)
5. The most informative of recent accounts must include: James T. Carey, The College
Drug Scene (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968), esp. chs. 2, 4, 5; Jerry Mandel,
"Myths and Realities of Marijuana Pushing," in J. L. Simmons, ed., Marijuana: Myths and
(16 of 18)4/15/2004 1:08:20 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Ch
Petrzilka and How To Grow Marajawana Plants Outdoors Make Homemade Drugs W
ved in their own subculture's conception of it as harmless and beneficial. Moreover,
the relatively few (but absolutely, many) users who are arrested gives them cause for the
accusation of distributive injustice. Rehabilitation is predicated on the notion that the
transgressor thinks of his transgression as wrong. Users often give up use of the weed
after arrest but for practical reasons, not out of a desire to rid themselves of a nasty habit.
To demonstrate these assertions, a study of arrestees would have to be made. In the
absence of such a study, two users who were arrested or who are serving prison sentences
for violation of the marijuana statutes voice reactions to their legal experiences:
It's rather discouraging to spend time in jail for the "crime" of possessing a
weed. I haven't hurt anybody, I haven't stolen from anybody, I haven't raped
anybody's daughter. Why am I in jail? I don't feel like a criminal.
I committed a charitable act.... I agreed to turn this poor cat onto some
(20 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
grass at his request. He promptly turned me in.
This silly grass law is only one small reflection of the mentality that rules
America and dictates what we can read, what we can think and what
position we must use when we make love.
My love to all the gentle people. Our day is coming.38]
Having been convicted of selling five dollars' worth of seeds and stems to
an informer, I am currently serving a twenty-to-thirty year sentence....
... my bail was set at $4s,ooo—an impossible sum for me to raise. So I sat
in jail for four months before being tried. There were twenty-five other
marijuana arrests in the]... County in the past two years, but I am the only
one who has been sent to the penitentiary. Why this special treatment for
me?39]
Law enforcement officers, however, often feel rehabilitation to be a worthy goal. Often
a judge's sentence will hinge on his feeling that a jail sentence actually serves a
rehabilitation function. We are reminded of Lindesmith's description of one such case:
... an occasional judge, ignorant of the nature of marihuana, sends a
marihuana user to prison to cure him of his nonexistent addiction. The
writer was once in court when a middle-aged Negro defendant appeared
before the judge charged with having used and had in his possession one
marihuana cigarette during the noon hour at the place where he had worked
for a number of years. This man had no previous record and this fact was
stated before the court. Nevertheless, a two-year sentence was imposed to
"dry up his habit."40]
What, in fact, are the effects of arrests, convictions, and jail sentences on users? Are
they as likely to use again as they would if they were never arrested? This is, obviously,
impossible to answer. Nor can we compare their later arrest figures with the arrest figures
of a comparable group which was not arrested when they were. (We don't know the base
f Salemink, R “Northern lights #2 = originally a Hindu Kush X Thai cross. It was selectively inbred and developed into a stable
almost all Kush type cross that is mostly indica.”
“I haven't done #5, but # 2 (Oasis) was great.
Most people say that the NL strains have little or no taste or
smell, but my experience with #2 was that it had an oniony, garlicky smell and taste. The buzz was it.
Couch-lock, but surprisingly psychoactive, given indica's reputation. I don't think you can go wrong with a strain
that highly touted.” - Skunkman“Northern lights 2 = originally a Hindu Kush X Thai cross.
It was selectively inbred and developed into a stable
almost all Kush type cross that is mostly indica.”
“I haven't done 5, but 2 (Oasis) was great. Most people say that the NL strains have little or no taste or
smell, but my experience with 2 was
Plate Stacker Cannabis Sativa L that it had an oniony, garlicky smell and
zong bongs
taste.
The buzz was it.
Couch-lock, but surprisingly psychoactive, given indica's reputation. I don't think you can go wrong with a strain
that highly touted.
” - Skunkman to time who do not now because of
the laws, but who do not like to drink. Thus, the figure who use some intoxicant would
increase were pot legalized, but it would be far lower than the additive effect of all those
who now use liquor added to all those who might use pot.
If we want to consider the effect of the marijuana laws on public safety, we are
therefore faced with the prospect of comparing the relative merits of alcohol and
marijuana. As stated earlier, marijuana users cite the comparison as a powerful argument
in the drug's favor, while physicians dismiss the argument. Where does that leave us?
In terms of tissue damage, the evidence is clear; no sane observer of the American drug
use scene would claim for marijuana the ravaging effect that alcohol has. Daily
moderately heavy usage of American or Mexican cannabis, say, six joints a day, produces
no known bodily harm. (But we must remember that we have no valid studies of
potsmokers which span any length of time.) Daily moderately heavy use of alcohol—the
quantity comparable to the amount of marijuana which would intoxicate the user for an
equal length of time, i.e., the whole day, would be about half a quart a day—will destroy,
threaten or damage most of the body's vital organs over a long period of time. In terms of
auto accidents, the evidence we have suggests a gain. The drunk driver behind the wheel
is far more of a threat and a danger than the high pothead. Empirical tests show that
alcohol discoordinates the driver far more than marijuana—if it occurs with marijuana at
(23 of 31)4/15/2004 1:08:37 AM
The Marijuana Smokers - Chapter 11
all.45] Decrease in aggression, violence, and crime, too, would be only a positive gain.
Alcohol moreover is often directly linked with the commission of crime; far from inciting
crime, marijuana, contrastingly, possibly inhibits it. Our speculations on insanity would
have to be even less firmly grounded in known fact than those for tissue damage,
automobile accidents, and violence, but marijuana would have to strive to catch up with
alcohol's record; one of four admissions to a mental hospital is an alcoholic. Here, too, I
think, the use of pot would be a clear gain.
The members of the antipot contingent who claim that alcohol is preferable to
marijuana, and that legalization would be nothing but a disaster for this or any nation, do
have a single telling point, as I see it. This is that marijuana is always used to become
intoxicated, or high, and alcohol is often, indeed, perhaps most of the time, used for
nonintoxicatory purposes. Alcoholic substances are frequently consumed on many
occasions where the drinker does not become drunk or intoxicated. For instance, at many
sporting events—football and baseball games—several bottles of beer may be drunk by a
spectator without effect. The same may be said for wine at a meal, cocktails (sometimes)
at a party, or sherry as a nightcap. Of course, many marijuana smokers do “BC Big Bud is a stabilized 65% indica/35% sativa, the Dutch Big Bud (Sensi) is all indica. BC Big Bud has
tremendous resin, its the crystally bud on the cover of the Cannabis Culture #18 (Steve Kubby header), and a
citrusy scent. Usually only available in clone, (hence the crosses, its usually the female in those Romulan x BC
Big Bud or Mikado x BC Big Bud), it is now available in seed (pure) at $50 CN/$40 US for 10 seeds. Giant seeds,
largest I have (not that that information has meaning, seed size has no relevance despite what mythology
persists about them). Very nice smoke, the Dutch Big Bud can be a good yielder like BC Big Bud but the high is
superior in the BC Big Bud version. The leaves in the BC Big Bud variety are more sativa like.” – Marc Emery
at the study of a cross-section of all individuals who have tried
marijuana, or even who smoke it regularly, however regularly might be defined, will yield
very few who are high all of the time, or even more than a few hours each evening. The
facts do not support the stoned model. When the user smokes marijuana he does, indeed,
become high, or stoned. And if one observed his behavior during this period, he is often
measurably less active than normally. But to say that it is the ultimate goal of a large
proportion of users to seek this state most of the time is to distort the facts.
It is only
because researchers cannot understand why anyone
design your own cannabis bags
would want to become high in the first
place that they find it necessary to attach the label "psychological addiction" or
"habituation" to his behavior and motives. If they found use of the substance acceptable,
they would not emit this labeling behavior.
It is clear that another model is necessary.
And this model, I propose, is the recreational
model. It fits the facts more faithfully than any of the previously mentioned models.
And
it contains none of the moral judgments that the others are clearly guilty of. The
recreational model takes issue with these perspectives. Essential to the recreational
conception of marijuana use are the following elements: (1) it is used freely,
noncompulsively; (2) it is smoked episodically—once or several times a week
Hanfzucht or so on the
average; (3) it is experienced as pleasurable by the participants;
Cannabis Sex (4) it is used in
conjunction with (and not a replacement for) other enjoyable activities; (5) its impact on
one's life is relatively superficial; (6) its use results in relatively little harm to the
individual; and (7) its use is highly social. By adopting the recreational perspective toward
marijuana use, I do not wish to imply that everyone who has ever smoked marijuana may
be described in terms of this model, nor even that a majority of all users are typified by all
of these principles. It is, however, to say that this model presents a relatively accurate
summarization of the experiences of the characteristic user, that these traits are typically
found in marijuana use. In any case, the issue is an empirical one; if the model is
ineffective, then it must be discarded. In my own research, however, the recreational
model yielded far more insights and more accurately described the reality I investigated
than did any of the traditional models. I found that most users smoke marijuana
recreationally, and I believe that any study investigating a fairly representative group of
smokers will support the same generalization.
It is possible, of course, to uncover some
individuals who are motivated by compulsive forces and experience overwhelmingly
unpleasant reactions. A study based on users who visit psychiatrists will, naturally be far
more likely to be composed of users whose experiences differ from the normal everyday
user's, and therefore cannot be taken
Skunk #1 @ 3/12/2010 7:50:03 AM